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Two theories explain changes in the international regimes for major economic sectors. A theory of hegemonic stability explains sectoral change as a consequence of ebbing hegemony; a theory of surplus capacity attributes regime shifts to a serious global problem with excess production capacity in the sector. The history of the world automobile industry shows that surplus capacity offers the better prediction and explanation for the timing of regime changes. However, a synthesis of the two theories is even more satisfactory. Hegemonic decline is a necessary but not sufficient condition for change. Surplus capacity, in the absence of a hegemon, creates the conditions necessary for change.

As competition between newly industrializing and advanced industrialized countries has increased, trade protection has become a key issue. In textile and apparel trade, international regimes to regulate trade intervention have existed since the early 1960s. The 1981 renewal of the Multi-Fiber Arrangement poses two puzzles. First, why did countries choose to continue to manage conflict through an international regime rather than through some other arrangement? Second, why did the regime become weaker and more protectionist than in the past? An international structure approach suggests that regimes are wanted to prevent arrangements in larger systems from being undermined, to control the behavior of other countries, and to reduce information costs. Variation in regime strength can be explained by asymmetry in the distribution of capabilities in various systems. The nature of the regime is influenced by changes in international competition and by nesting. A domestic structure approach, on the other hand, focuses on the relationships between state and societal groups (the Commission and member states in the case of the EEC). The relative strength of groups affects national policies and the development and characteristics of regimes. A "processtracing" examination of international textile negotiations, emphasizing the response of decision makers to structural constraints and incentives, allows us to ascertain the relative influence of international and domestic structures on the negotiations and outcomes.

Auswirkungen der Liberalisierung des Wechselkurses

Wirtschaftspolitische Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Vereinbarungen mit dem Währungsfond. (DÜI-Wei)

This article consists of a treasury of details regarding the Knights of the Order of St. John ranging from information about the recruiting of new Knights to the type of authority that it imposed upon Malta during its stay (1530-1798). Koster also discusses the religious affiliations that the Order carried with it. At the end is a detailed bibliography of this document. ; N/A

The Mitterand-Mauroy regime in France is characterized as preeminently modern in outlook & intent -- it is technical & industrial. It is suggested that the Socialist Party's social-democratic reformism is to the right of the popular center of gravity on the left, & that the Mitterand government, rather than realizing the Left's potential for progressive change, has merely made it possible for the first time. The nature of Mitterand's victory & its basis is seen as a reinforcement of state capitalism. By not moving decisively to the left on economic matters, Mitterand's government has lost its opportunity to consolidate its electoral victory & forge a stable, reliable base of electoral support. Its reformist policies will fail, & in failing will cause a withering of the mass support the Socialists formerly commanded. The Socialist Party has not yet exhausted the left's possibilities, but time is running out. J. Weber.

Here, for the first time in English translation, are contemporary accounts of working-class life during the final decades of the Russian Empire. Written by workers and other close observers of their milieu, these five selections recreate the world of Russian labor during a period of rapid industrialization and social change, a world far more complex and varied than has often been assumed. The accounts in The Russian Worker explore the daily experiences, social relations, and aspirations of factory, artisanal, and sales-clerical workers, both in and outside the place of employment. Through the eyes of contemporaries we see the routine, the organization of work, and authority relations on the shop floor as well as conditions that workers encountered in providing for food and lodging and their experiences in the areas of religion, recreation, cultural activities, family ties, and links with the countryside. With its vivid and detailed descriptions of working-class life, The Russian Worker provides new material on such important topics as the formation of workers' social identities, the position of women, patterns of stratification, and workers' concepts of status differentiation. An introductory essay by Victoria Bonnell places the selections in a historical context and examines some of the central issues in the study of Russian labor. The collection will be of value not only to specialists in the Russian field, but also to historians, sociologists, economists, and others with an interest in the sociology of work, and the history of working women

Dissent in the USSR has become a phenomenon which cannot be ignored either in the West or in the USSR. The authorities in the USSR, though upset, are compelled to recognize the existence of dissidents in the country and the troubles they cause. The attempts to stifle dissent which are mainly in the form of harsh and repressive measures undertaken by the authorities generally fail to achieve the desired results. The dissidents according to circumstances prevailing change the tactics of their struggle, but the phenomenon of dissent — the resistance to the regime — continues.

Each of the social sciences provides a different explanation of conflict about the very existence of a political regime. This article reviews a variety of theories hypothesizing that such conflicts are caused by social conditions such as religion, absence of modernity, class relations and material prosperity, and generational differences. Implicitly each suggests that political conflicts may be reduced or removed as a byproduct of social changes involving secularization, modernization, economic change, or generational change. The theories are tested with two sets of survey evidence from Northern Ireland, a society of particularly intense political conflict. The tests show that support for political conflict about the regime cannot be reduced to an explanation in terms of social conditions. Containing or resolving the political conflict requires explicitly political actions.

IN JUNE 1954 THE ELECTED GUATEMALAN GOVERNMENT OF PRESIDENT JACOBO ARBENZ WAS OVERTHROWN, USHERING IN THIRTY YEARS OF DICTATORIAL AND PSEUDODEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT. HOW DID THE "GUATEMALAN AFFAIR" HAPPEN? WHAT WAS BEHIND THE U.S. ROLE IN THE COUP? THESE ARE IMMEDIATE CONCERNS OF THIS AND OTHER NEW RESEARCH ON THE SUBJECT. AT A RUDIMENTARY LEVEL, BOTH INTERNAL AND EXTERNAL FORCES WERE INVOLVED IN THE OVERTHROW OF THE ARBENZ REGIME. THE PIVOTAL ROLE OF THE GUATEMALAN ARMED FORCES IN THAT EVENT CAN BE ATTRIBUTED TO THEIR GROWING ALIENATION FROM THE GOVERNMENTS OF PRESIDENT JUAN JOSE AREVALO (1945-1951) AND ARBENZ. THE INITIAL RESISTANCE OF THE MORE TRADITIONAL GROUP WITHIN THE ARMED FORCES, THE LINE OFFICERS, TO THE INSTITUTION OF POPULAR DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT IN 1944 WAS MOLLIFIED UNDER PRESIDENT AREVALO BY THE CONTINUATION OF A LEADING OLDER LINE OFFICER, COLONEL FRANCISCO XAVIER ARANA, AS CHIEF OF STAFF OF THE ARMED FORCES. BUT WHEN COLONEL JACOBO ARBENZ SUCCEEDED AREVALO IN 1951 (FOLLOWING A CAMPAIGN IN WHICH ARBENZ' OPPONENT, COLONEL ARANA, WAS ASSASSINATED AND A REBELLION BY ARANA'S SUPPORTERS SUPPRESSED), HE FAVORED A GROUP OF YOUNGER, TECHNICALLY TRAINED OFFICERS WITH RAPID PROMOTION INTO POLITICAL AND GOVERNMENT POSITIONS. THIS NOT ONLY ANTAGONIZED THE OLDER PROFESSIONAL OFFICERS, BUT ALSO, IRONICALLY, DILUTED THE MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS OF OFFICERS LOYAL TO HIM BY PLACING THEM IN ESSENTIALLY CIVILIAN POSITIONS.