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According to the author, James Madison, a major architect of American constitutional government, operated from a deep Christian commitment & perspective. First, Madison's family background & education are described, which provided him with Christian theology, republican political theory, & the Calvinist notion of work (in his case a political career) as divine calling. Examples of his historical shifts between Lockean liberal & classical republican ideologies, often viewed as inconsistent, are attributed to his Christian worldview. For him, the main goal of religious freedom was to serve the cause of Christian evangelism. Finally, examples of religious perspective in "The Federalist Papers" & examples of Christian language in his political writings are given. D. Miller

The Rev. John Witherspoon had a unique status among the founders as a political clergyman. The article briefly discusses his careers in politics & religion, then reconstructs his views on the public role of religion, in other words his political ideology. The discussion of political theology centers around two political sermons: "The Domination of Providence over the Passions of Men" & the "Sermon delivered at a Public Thanksgiving after Peace," as well as three religious proclamations drafted for the Continental Congress. D. Miller

Examines the nature & consequences of the multiple interconnections between religions & wars both historically & in the contemporary world, highlighting their geographic dimensions. The function of religions as "cultural systems" & the mutable nature of such systems are described in terms of how they provide the impetus, motivation, or rationale for war. The relationship between geographic context & the religious discourses that fuel war is explored, along with religion's role in the "territorial concerns & spatial strategies of combatants." Also discussed are differences between religiously motivated wars & other types of conflict; linkages between religion, nationalism, ethnicity, & war; wars resulting from secular opposition to religious activities; & the function of religion in the political pursuit of peace. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Explores the notion of Just Peace, demonstrating the validity of three propositions. First, the implications of religion for the topic are significant & intricate: significant due to religion's vital role in today's international system & vital because religions at times differ in their doctrinal understandings of justice & peace. Second, the concept of Just Peace should be regarded as a rubric, an "umbrella term" that encompasses a host of sub-problems. Third, despite the complexity of the issues at hand, the enduring significance of internationally acknowledged human rights constitute one major unifying theme for the diverse considerations of peace & justice. K. Coddon

John Adams' views on religion & politics are explained through the history & provisions of the 1780 Massachusetts Constitution, which Adams in large measure drafted. In a broad sense, Adams upheld as his first principle of political philosophy a balance of the freedom of many private religions with the establishment of one public Christian religion. For him, too little religious freedom is a recipe for hypocrisy & impiety, while too much religious freedom is an invitation to depravity & license. He advocated for a "mild & equitable establishment" of Protestantism. D. Miller

Examines political participation among pastors of the evangelical Christian Reformed Church & the more liberal Reformed Church in America. The focus is on the nature & extent of political involvement across time & during the 1966 presidential election. Data were drawn from questionnaires completed by 520 ministers equally divided between the two denominations. The results showed different patterns of clerical involvement in politics depending upon mode of activity & theological orientation. Theological orthodoxy made pastors more likely to refer to political issues in a sermon, take a public stand on issues, or publicly endorse a candidate. Although clergy exhibiting high levels of theological orthodoxy were more likely to make political pronouncements than more modernist ministers, theological orthodoxy was less strongly related to voting, financially supporting political groups, contacting public officials, & circulating petitions. Political activities associated with theological modernists included organizing political groups within the church. A dominant trend over time was greater involvement by orthodox pastors in political activities that were once the province of more modernist clergy. 5 Tables. J. Lindroth

Examines political participation among pastors of the evangelical Christian Reformed Church & the more liberal Reformed Church in America. The focus is on the nature & extent of political involvement across time & during the 1966 presidential election. Data were drawn from questionnaires completed by 520 ministers equally divided between the two denominations. The results showed different patterns of clerical involvement in politics depending upon mode of activity & theological orientation. Theological orthodoxy made pastors more likely to refer to political issues in a sermon, take a public stand on issues, or publicly endorse a candidate. Although clergy exhibiting high levels of theological orthodoxy were more likely to make political pronouncements than more modernist ministers, theological orthodoxy was less strongly related to voting, financially supporting political groups, contacting public officials, & circulating petitions. Political activities associated with theological modernists included organizing political groups within the church. A dominant trend over time was greater involvement by orthodox pastors in political activities that were once the province of more modernist clergy. 5 Tables. J. Lindroth

The main characteristics of Washington's ideas about religion & government, as well as his differences with Madison are revisited. Washington, while a lifelong member of the Anglican Church, did not attend religious services often nor express detailed tenets of his faith besides the belief in a good & providential God. In contrast to Madison, Washington consistently sought to use governmental authority to encourage religion, by such means as use of taxes to support religion, appointment of military chaplains, religious presidential proclamations, & inclusion of sacred language in public ceremonies. His approach was two-fold: government non-interference grounded on right regarding matters not affecting the common good & discretionary toleration for matters involving the duties of citizenship & the essential interests of the nation. D. Miller

Benjamin Franklin had a deep faith in science in scientific progress. His intellectual prowess was turned decidedly toward the practical, & this skepticism led him to embrace the principle of religious liberty. Still, he believed that religion could play a vital role in shaping & preserving the modern republic because of its capacity of educating citizenry for democracy. His ideal was to promote religion generally, while modifying the dogmatism that characterized sectarian religion. Franklin's religious beliefs, their influence on his political theory, as well as several examples of his opinion about the relation of religious truth to government authority are discussed. D. Miller

Investigates the importance of civility in the expansion of the Christian Right's influence in US politics, drawing on a discussion of Oliver North's campaign in the 1994 VA Senate race. It is found that, although 67%-80% of evangelicals supported North, 20%-30% of these Christians withheld their endorsement. North's failure to carry the entire evangelical population is interpreted in terms of a basic ambiguity in evangelical Christianity: between the purity of their moral principles & their accommodations to their communities. Although North was widely viewed as holding religiously pure beliefs, many evangelical Christians understood his conduct during the Iran-Contra affair to be morally repugnant. These questions about his moral integrity prevented North from mobilizing evangelical Christians to his cause. It is concluded that if the Christian Right is to become more powerful in US politics, it must learn to accommodate to other groups in their communities. 1 Table, 29 References. D. M. Ryfe

The contributions of three members of a prominent Catholic family, the Carrols from Maryland to the Revolution are discussed. Daniel, his brother John, & Charles were all convinced of the perfect compatibility of a staunch Catholic faith & the American settlement on religious liberty. Their support for separation of church & state reflected distrust of generalized Protestant accounts of religious tendencies. They believed that an impartial constitutionalism was possible even in the face of metaphysical difference. Finally, their willingness to join in venturing into new political arrangements regarding church & state reflects a training in form of ancient political prudence reaching back to the whole of Western tradition. D. Miller

Argues that Soka Gakkai's political involvement stems from Tsunesaburo Makiguchi's pre-WWII call for political leaders to base their actions on a correct understanding of Buddhism. An examination of factors that contributed to the movement's rapid growth emphasizes activities aimed at achieving kosen-rufu, a humanistic Buddhist society & lasting peace. The Soka Gakkai entered local assembly politics in the mid-1950s & formed the Komeito Party in 1967 in order to separate the religious from the political body. Komeito became the third largest political party nationwide by 1969 but later lost considerable strength. The rationale behind the Soka Gakkai's decision to take part in politics is examined, along with the intricacies involved in the formation/development of the Komeito Party, & its efforts to avoid a narrow religious identity by appealing to a broader popular base. Obstacles within contemporary Japanese politics, the Soka Gakkai movement, & the Komeito are identified, & the future prospects of both the Soka Gakkai & the Komeito Party are evaluated. J. Lindroth

Argues that Soka Gakkai's political involvement stems from Tsunesaburo Makiguchi's pre-WWII call for political leaders to base their actions on a correct understanding of Buddhism. An examination of factors that contributed to the movement's rapid growth emphasizes activities aimed at achieving kosen-rufu, a humanistic Buddhist society & lasting peace. The Soka Gakkai entered local assembly politics in the mid-1950s & formed the Komeito Party in 1967 in order to separate the religious from the political body. Komeito became the third largest political party nationwide by 1969 but later lost considerable strength. The rationale behind the Soka Gakkai's decision to take part in politics is examined, along with the intricacies involved in the formation/development of the Komeito Party, & its efforts to avoid a narrow religious identity by appealing to a broader popular base. Obstacles within contemporary Japanese politics, the Soka Gakkai movement, & the Komeito are identified, & the future prospects of both the Soka Gakkai & the Komeito Party are evaluated. J. Lindroth

Empirically examines the impact of religion on unconventional political participation in Central America, assesses how the extent of that impact is conditioned by differing sociopolitical contexts, & compares attitudes of parish priests & the laity toward political protest. Data were obtained from mass surveys (identical questionnaires) undertaken in 1991-1992 in Nicaragua, El Salvador, & Guatemala, as well as interviews carried out in 1993-1994 with 142 Nicaraguan Catholic priests. The findings affirmed that religion has an impact on protest politics, & the results of multivariate analysis indicated that religious factors were much stronger determinants of variations in support for protest than psychological or demographic factors, & second to political factors like ideology. However, the absence of certain religious attitudes/practices, such as doctrinal rigidity & frequent church attendance, were the strongest predictors of approval for unconventional participation, suggesting the influence of the progressive church is more limited than generally thought. Differences between priests' & the general public's attitudes toward protest politics were too general to be analytically significant. 6 Tables, 5 Figures, 81 References. J. Lindroth