Glatfelter, Charles H.; Oral History Collection To read the transcript and access the audio/video (if available) of this interview at the same time, first download the pdf of the transcript by clicking on the link at the top of this screen. The transcript will open in a separate window. Next, select the or option to the right of the screen to access the media player. Special Collections & College Archives Musselman Library Interview with Michael Birkner Interviewer: Rebecca Duffy Interview Date: November 22, 2013 Interview with Michael Birkner Rebecca Duffy, November 22, 2013 1 Rebecca Duffy: [Today is November 22, 2013. I am Rebecca Duffy and I will be interviewing Professor Michael Birkner in Special Collections at Gettysburg College's Musselman Library.] We will start with you as a student here, so that we can get some insight. I think that's really special that we have an alumnus [that is so accessible] from the 1970s. You graduated in 1972? Michael Birkner: Yes. Duffy: Did you start here in 1968 and go straight through the four years? Birkner: Yes, I did. Duffy: You were a History major. Did you have any other majors or minors? Birkner: Actually, I was a back-ended History major. I was a Political Science major for three years and I intended to go into political journalism. That was my interest. I was always a politics junkie, so it was a natural for me to be interested in that. If you know anything about American History from 1968 to 1972, you know it was a very tumultuous time. Being interested in history as it was being made was particularly attractive to me. But by the time I was finishing my junior year as a student I looked back and thought about what I had done in Political Science and what I still had to do and I wasn't impressed by the coherence of the Political Science major. Specifically, I also had been avoiding a particular faculty member who was terrible and who taught a required course in International Affairs. I thought about it and I said [to myself], "I don't want to take this person's course just for the sake of getting a major that I'm not even convinced is worth having. So I went over to see Dr. [Charles] Glatfelter. I said to him, "I realize I am a second semester junior, but I think I would rather major in history. Is that possible?" [Pause] I don't want to make myself out to be special, but the people in the History department knew me and I had taken courses in history because I had liked history. They [Norman Forness, George Fick, and Charles Glatfelter] pitched to me that I should switch majors and become a history major. The important thing was they said, "if you just take this and this and this, you have got your major." So I did. I had probably seven or eight courses in Political Science, but I didn't [think well enough of my 2 experience to] declare it a minor. I just left and became a History major and then wound up going on to graduate school. Duffy: What were some of the courses that you took in History while you were here? Birkner: Well, I won't go into all the details because that will bog you down, but I will say that the program in History at the time was Euro-centric. If you look at the catalogue you will see that there really was very little World History. You took courses on the western historical tradition, you took courses on the European and British history, and you took courses on American history. There was no Africanist in the department, there was no Latin Americanist, and there was no Middle Eastern person. We did have a person that did Asian history, but half of that person's courses were focused on American diplomatic history which was not unusual at that time. So, essentially outside of the West we actually had half of a person to do anything else in the world. It was a provincial kind of historical learning. I did take a course in Chinese history, but I cannot say I had a good grounding in anything more than the Western traditions. The other thing I can abstract for you about my experience is that I was again unusual in that my interests were American history, but I took more non-American history than American history. My attitude- and I think it was justifiable- was that if I went to graduate school in History, I would be doing almost all American history and why should I not have the opportunity now to get a little wider range. In retrospect now there are all kinds of ways I could have broadened my education in college [with]. I was not adventurous and the college wasn't particularly adventurous in its curriculum. When you think about it, the one smart thing I did was not do all of that American history when I was going to get [plenty of] it in graduate school. Duffy: That Professor that you had for Chinese history, was that Professor Stemen? Birkner: Yes, Roger Stemen. Duffy: He was in charge of anything East Asian, sometimes even Indian history, I think I noticed? 3 Birkner: He might have done that once and that was it. He wasn't really interested in Indian history. We had a woman named Janet Gemmill [whose maiden name was Powers], so [after her divorce] she is Janet Powers. She taught Indian Civilization, but for reasons I have never really understood- this is before my time as a faculty member -I think she and the History department were not on the same wavelength, so she didn't teach it through the History department, she taught it through IDS. Mr. Stemen was the Asianist. He came in 1961 and he was the first to teach that. Duffy: I noticed that. I also noticed that the courses at that time [during the 1960's primarily] were dual courses, such as 201 and 202. Were you required to take both of them if you took one? Birkner: No, but you are right, they were sequenced. I'm guessing a lot of that was because a good percentage of undergraduates in those days went on to social studies education. They probably wanted to fill out a card of having the 201, 202 of History. That wasn't anything that affected me as a student. That wasn't a requirement. [Pauses to collect thoughts] The only requirement where we had to go through both parts of the sequence were interdisciplinary courses called "Contemporary Civilization" and "Literary Foundations of Western Civilization." Duffy: What was required by the History department [when you were a student] was passing a few three hundred level courses, the Methods course and Senior Seminar, right? Birkner: Right. Duffy: So you completed all of those? Birkner: Absolutely. Duffy: Did you have Professor Glatfelter for Methods? Birkner: Absolutely, everybody took Methods with Dr. Glatfelter. Except for the semesters when he was on sabbatical, he was it. Duffy: What was that experience like? How would you have described it when you were in the class? 4 Birkner: Maybe, it was a lot like what you experience with me. However, Dr. Glatfelter was a very different personality than I am . He was very Germanic. He had been trained originally to be a high school social studies teacher. Now he was a very smart man and wound up getting a PhD from Johns Hopkins. You don't do that unless you have some brains. He was one of these people who went by categories--one, two, three- which is not the way I do things. His approach to teaching was not very exciting to me. Just to give you an example of the way he taught Methods, one-third of the course he lectured about the historiography of Western Civilization, the writing of the history of the West from Herodotus until the Progressive Era in the early 20th century. Each day he would come in for seventy-five minutes and lecture about Herodotus or Livy or Gibbon or Voltaire- who was a historian not a very good one, but a historian [none the less]- [hand motions and voice indicating droning on], Prescott and Parkman and Bancroft. Your first big paper in the course was to read three of these historians--one from the Ancient World, one from Early Modern Europe and one from the 18th or 191h century--and write a comparative [paper]. He did that every semester. I benefited from it, though I have not read those historians since. But [in general] this was dull. The second part of the course was more "Nuts and Bolts." That's where he talked about doing footnotes and bibliographies and reference books. Of course [this was] the pre-computer age so he would bring in a cart and show you reference books. Again, it wasn't too exciting. The third part of the course was the "Philosophy of History'' in which he would talk about a range of things from why we do history to the discourses of history. It was very conservative. As I may have said in class, we read one article about Oral History and he basically said, "I made you read this because it is possible this may be interesting, but it is also possible that it may just be a fad." We didn't do anything more with that. We did the same thing with Psychohistory; maybe we read an article on it. Now Psychohistory came and went really, it is not much today talked about. But he was not an adventurous person. So why is it that he is remembered? Because Dr. Glatfelter had extremely high standards and he challenged you to be the best that you could be. He was a very demanding task-master. 5 When you handed in a paper, he read every line and corrected every line. You got away with nothing. He was a person of tremendous integrity and he wanted you to be. That's what really affected me the most, to be honest with you. The specifics of what he was teaching didn't grab me much, but his ethos, that's what really grabbed me. I don't know what students think about me, but I would guess I am considered "old school" and that's okay, because you need to authentic. Dr. Glatfelter was authentic. And I like to think I am. Some students probably think it is good and some maybe think I am too hard [and demand too much work]. Again, I don't know what the word on the street is, but you've got to be what you are as long as you're nice and fair and all those things- some [professors] can be mean and that's not a good thing [chuckles], but I don't think I am that! [In the end] I think I took away [Dr. Glatfelter's] sensibility about doing history and that has always had an impact on me- [even] forty years on. If you talk to other graduates, I bet you would get similar responses. Duffy: That he was a challenging teacher, but certainly worth it in the end for [the experiences] you get out of it? Birkner: Yeah, sure. Duffy: More than [simply] as a historian? Birkner: [Thoughtful] Yeah, absolutely. [Pauses to collect thoughts] He and I were colleagues for a year when I was back in the late seventies teaching here. When he retired [in 1989], I took his job. We became close [friends] and for the last 24 years of his life- he died in February [2013]- we did a lot of things together. For [many] years I brought him into the Methods class to talk to the students about a specific project or brought the students down to Weidensalllobby to talk with him if they had questions about a particular topic. He was wonderful. Duffy: What was that like when you first came back here having Professor Glatfelter and I can't remember exactly who was still here then who had been here when you were a studentBirkner: Everyone 6 Duffy: Everyone? Birkner: Everybody. Duffy: [So then,] what was that department dynamic like when you joined, having your old professors [as colleagues]? Birkner: . As a student was I was very close with faculty, more close than I think [most] students are today. Just to give you an example, there was no Specialty Dining in those days, there was the Bullet Hole- [though] it was in a different part of the CUB- and there was a group of about 8-10 faculty that ate there every day and talked politics- remember, it's a very interesting time- and they talked campus business as well. They invited me to eat lunch with them. So, I ate lunch in the Bullet Hole every day with the faculty. Now, you say you already know a creepy amount of information about me, but one thing [is that] I belonged to a fraternity. The fraternity I belonged to only ate dinner together in our house; we didn't eat breakfast or lunch together. We were on our own for lunch. Most of my fraternity brothers after class went back to the house and ate lunch together; probably watched Jeopardy or something and just hung out. I never did. I always went to the Bullet Hole and ate lunch with the faculty. Secondly, I was the editor of the Gettysburgian. At the time newspapers were different then they are now. They were really newspapers as opposed to mostly opinion. [Pauses to collect thoughts] The paper [during my years in college] was well respected. So, faculty members wrote for it, faculty members called me up. I had a kind of elevated sense of myself. To answer your question, it wasn't a hard transition to come back in 1978 to teach because people had always treated me collegially as opposed to say you were simply a student. Duffy: As a subordinate71 Birkner: Yeah, well [Pauses to collect thoughts] I hope I don't treat you [quite] like that. We all have different roles to play. It was an easy transition is the short of it. 1 Intended to say something which more conveyed the mentor-student relationship 7 Duffy: What about the transition that we started to talk about before- when you took over the Methods class? What was that like? Did you see that you wanted to make a lot of changes? Did you make them right away? Birkner: That's a good question. Dr. Glatfelter was not a controlling person, but on the other hand he was a very "tracked" person. As I said there wasn't a lot of change [over time] . I was hired, in some measure, because [members of the History department] felt the Methods course was an important course and they felt that I would be the person who could make it matter in the future. When I came back, Dr. Glatfelter said [something like], "You do what you want with the Methods course, but here's the way I do it." The first year I tried to teach it along the track he laid out. I used some different books, but I basically had the same structure he had. I was bored teaching it! Teaching about Medieval historians and giving students bits and pieces about historians -I could see that nothing was going to stick with them. I just said [to myself], "I can't do this!" That's when I said to myself, "this course is going to need re-tooling." That's how you have more or less greater extent what you are experiencing [this semester in Methods]. Dr. Glatfelter was the one who had the three projects and I have three projects, but he never would have assigned an Oral History! Here's the other interesting thing, he didn't assign any manuscript, original material research because we didn't have an archive for the students to work in! We really couldn't do a lot of that. Dr. Glatfelter's laboratory was the Adams County Historical Society where he was the director. He never had the students [go there]. I was surprised about this because we could have done that. We had an archive [at the college]; it just wasn't a place where you could work. He could have assigned us to have stuff to work on and under controlled conditions we could have done it. He just never did it. The part that really surprised me was that here he is the director of the Adams County Historical Society, which has tons of great [material] to work on. I've used it many times in my Methods class- just not this semester because they have had some difficulties moving out of the old Schmucker building [and into a much smaller facility]. So, one of the things I said was that 8 were going to start doing this! What I did [was encourage the creation of a facility for storing a working with archival material on Gettysburg College's campus]. I had something to do with the fact that this [special collections research room] exists because [as department chair] I was able to get a very unusual bequest which had not originally been directed to Gettysburg College. I was able to convince Homer Rosenberger's executor [Attorney William Duck of Waynesboro, PA] that Gettysburg College would be the place to house the Rosenberger Collection, with the idea we would get his estate. The money we got from that estate allowed Robin Wagner, the library director, to hypothecate into other money which enabled them to build this room- which is an enormous asset to students of history, and not just in Methods. Plus we have all of these great internships etc. which we didn't have before that. So, [to go back for a second] in 1990-1991, which was my second year here, I revamped the course really along the lines of what you are taking now. Duffy: So has it not changed so much in the past few decades? What would you say has changed? Birkner: What has changed in part is that the discourses in history have grown increasingly focused on anthropology. The opportunity for students to do more intensive work in Special Collections has probably been the biggest change. They can do much more in Special Collections than they could when I first started teaching here. The idea is always to give students opportunity to work with the stuff of history and be historians rather than just write about [secondary works]. I'm a little off sync with some of my colleagues who are so emphatic that what students need to learn is historiography and what I think is what students need to learn is to feel confident about doing history and that means doing it, instead of writing about historians doing it. I want you to do it. Now, of course the two are not mutually exclusive. You should learn that history is an evolving discipline and there is always an on-going dialogue -that's of course important. But to me, for the Methods course, what's really important- if I can put it this way- is to get your hands dirty doing it, [for example] have that one-on-one experience doing an Oral History with a senior citizen; it will stick with you for a long time. 9 Duffy: Definitely. I think I have noticed that. I feel like I live in Special Collections sometimes! Birkner: And that's a great thing because it is your laboratory! You may have friends that are Environmental Science majors, they're working in a lab. Your lab is right here. Duffy: [Pauses] [So then,] If we could just go back one moment to when you were a student and there weren't as many opportunities [to research in-depth on campus]. I know the senior seminar was molded into a course throughout the sixties Uust before and during your time here as a student]. so I was wondering about your experience in the senior seminar and how you were able to do the research you needed to do [without the facilities here]? Birkner: That's a good question; I think it was only in the late 1960s that they developed the senior seminar more or less the way we know it. Until then, students had to take comprehensive exams and they also wrote a senior thesis, [but there was no senior seminar]. The problem with that program is number one: camps terrify students. A high percentage of the students were not capable of engaging them very effectively, which depressed the faculty. [Further], the quality of the senior theses was generally pretty low, in part because there was little faculty supervision. If you have say forty seniors who are majors and you've got the faculty you have, they just weren't [able to] give the time to the students on an independent study basis to do the senior thesis. So that is when they came up with the seminar notion. As far as being able to do the research- it was unusual for you to be able to spend time doing anything original. Today, more and more of our students [are doing original research]. I was talking to Lincoln Fitch the other day, he's a senior and he is doing his senior thesis on Reconstruction and he's going down to the Library of Congress and working with the papers there and he is making some interesting finds. We wouldn't have thought of that because nobody was encouraging us to do that. I wrote my senior thesis on Christian Humanism in England in the early 16th century. I read a lot of first-hand accounts, they were printed, but they were still primary sources. I read secondary sources about the Humanist movement, which is part of the Renaissance, as it affected life in England. 10 Duffy: So you feel that students now have a better opportunity to delve in deeper? Birkner: Yeah. The other thing that should be emphasized is that our faculty are more "teacher-scholars" or "scholar-teachers" than was the case in the sixties when their primary emphasis was on teaching. Again, you can't draw with too broad a brush because Dr. Glatfelter was always doing scholarship of a kind. He was very productive, but his focus tended to be narrow--on Adams or York counties or religions of York and maybe Pennsylvania. Few people in the department were pursuing active research agendas because they didn't have the same emphasis on scholarship and mentoring students as scholars as we have today. I think having a teaching faculty that is also a scholarly faculty is going to make for better mentors at the senior level or any level. Think about someone like David Wemer, who is a senior History major and just won a prize for the best paper by an undergraduate in the United States. [The prize was sponsored by the American Historical Association.] It was published in a student scholarly journal. What a great recognition for Gettysburg College. He is an exceedingly talented person, but having someone like Dr. Bowman advising him and mentoring him made it [possible]. I mentored three students [over the past several years] who were [George C. Marshall] Scholars. Each was invited down, at my nomination, to become an undergraduate fellow in Lexington, Virginia [under the auspices of] the George C. Marshall Foundation. Each of them did outstanding work and each was recognized for that work. By coincidence, I had lunch today with one of those students. He was a History major and now works as an archivist for the CIA and wanted to come back and talk to me about graduate school. That kind of mentoring I don't think would have happened forty years ago. [However,] I have a certain reputation in the field, I know people, I know what my students are doing and I can then recommend them. The sad thing with the Marshall Program is that they blew through all their money. So, after the program existed for four or five years they ran out of money and I can't recommend students to it anymore because it doesn't exist. The two other students who I recommended for it and got accepted, 11 one is now working on his PhD in Cold War History at Ohio State and the other one is doing a PhD in Early American History at William and Mary, so clearly they moved on and did good things. Duffy: So you would say that the faculty dynamic today- [a group made up of a dozen or so] individuals each scholars and, I would say talented, teachers is creating these opportunities for students? Birkner: I think it enhances and enriches the environment for our History students; hence, it gives them an extra boost toward having a valuable college experience. Dr. Glatfelter had the right standards and the right spirit. But I think that what we have today, is not only that among most of our faculty -I wouldn't say everyone does because Dr. Glatfelter was pretty much the top of the line in that- but they are committed on both the teaching and scholarly side and that's good modeling for students. When you are a senior taking a seminar you will be asked to attend a seminar session in which you will read a faculty member's paper in advance and then go in and hear that faculty member describe how he or she got into writing that paper and then you will be able to ask questions of that member about it. We do that every semester. That's a bit of modeling. You can see what the faculty member does and say to yourself, "Maybe that's how I can do it." That didn't exist forty years ago. We do a lot more stuff you would take for granted, but didn't exist then. Such as, Career Night, Grad School Night, bringing in alumni who are successful in the field of history to talk, the Justin DeWitt Lecture. How about two student journals? The Civil War Journal and The Gettysburg Journal of History again didn't exist forty or even, fifteen years ago, but they do now. That's how David [Wemer] got this national recognition, because he published his article in the History journal. [Earlier today] I was talking to Sam Cooper-Wall today about his thesis for me and I was saying how he really had potential to publish it or expand it as his master's thesis. "Don't forget," he said, "I published it in the Gettysburg Historical Journal." That's right, he did. That's the kind of thing that gives you value added. 12 Duffy: I guess my last question is just going back, once again in a more comparative way, you said the time that you were here was a very [tumultuous] time. Did the faculty use any of those current issues as teaching moments in the classroom? Birkner: Not really. I think one faculty member who taught American Cultural History picked up on environmental issues, which was one of the pieces of the puzzle in the late sixties. Earth Day started when I was college student. He tried to connect Post- Civil War environmentalism, Darwinism, with the new environmental ethic of the late sixties- early seventies. I thought that was good, but he was the only [one]. Professor Stemen, who taught Chinese history, was teaching at the very time that Nixon made his initiative to open doors to China, and he would mention it, but it wasn't integral to the teaching. We were aware of it. I think people made a definite effort not to politicize the classroom. It's not a good idea for teachers at any level to voice their ideas about politics to students. So, that didn't happen really. People were very focused on the subject matter. Duffy: I think that is about it for the questions that I have- Birkner: I think that the one piece of this you are not getting is the student side. You don't want to assume that everything is always [better each year]. I think, today, our students are more sophisticated in many ways about history. You are much more cosmopolitan and you are much more adventurous than our generation in many respects. Just think about that fact that students take courses in fields I never took courses in because they weren't even there, but nobody is afraid to take a course in Middle Eastern history or Australian history or African history. [Today's] students are interested. That's a very good sign. On the other side ofthe coin, I wouldn't disparage students from the late Sixties who were, like me, first generation college students who had a hunger for education and were willing to work hard . . , , There were a lot of people in that circumstance. So, the students were a little bit more aggressive for their education in the late sSxties. Now I will tell you also, that when I came back in the late Seventies the students were not what I remembered them being. They were very self-focused and 13 [pauses to collect thoughts] uninterested it seems to me in the same kinds of issues I had been interested in in college, so that was a little bit of a disappointment. Duffy: I read that I think in one of the oral histories with Professor Glatfelter. He had realized a shift around the mid-Seventies. [He noticed] students were changing what they wanted out of school and how they felt about school. So, I think he saw as well, a decline in the level of learning or [rather] interest in learning. Birkner: I think this is not just a Gettysburg story. Duffy: Right. Birkner: I think it would [have been the case] at you name the place. I remember when I taught my first class at the University of Virginia. This is almost hilarious in a way because I taught a course in [19]74 at the University of Virginia as a grad student. It was a seminar and we read a book on the Sixties. The kids were all like [Raises voice, indicates excitement], "What were the sixties like? What were the sixties like?" and I was thinking [Chuckling between words], "Whoa, whoa!" [To them] It was like "what was World War One like?" It was 1974 and I thought, "Whoa, how quickly the gestalt of the times changes." So, what Glatfelter noticed is certainly what I noticed. Now, particular students, of course, were terrific. They are wonderful and friends of mine now, but the mentality [gestalt] of the campus was very different. Just as an example, the fraternity that I was in had disappeared by the time I came back to teach because it was a more alternative, non-conformist fraternity [and there was no market for that at Gettysburg after 1975]. We didn't do hazing and hell week. We invited the faculty to our parties and they came. Duffy: [Laughs] Birkner: Seriously! It was kind of an admixture of fraternalism, but not the dopey stuff. Obviously, to each his own, but I never had a use for anything [like that]. I remember Dr. Glatfelter- he was not a funny man- but I remember one of the funniest things he ever said. I once said, "Charlie, I know when 14 you were a student at Gettysburg College they still had traditions during orientation where they would punish [underclass] students [for infractions of the rules]. They would cut men's hair off, make women wear side-boards over their front and back with their hometown and phone number on it." Duffy: [Laughs] Birkner: Oh yeah, absolutely! And I said to him, "What if you had ever been brought up by the Tribunal for some infraction when you were a first year student?" Without missing a beat he said to me, "I know exactly what would have happened. I would have packed up my suitcase and gone home because I wouldn't have put up with that nonsense for one second!" That was Charlie. I can't claim that I was as individualistic as he was. For all I know I would have accepted [hazing], but it was nice to find a home [in a fraternity] where it really wasn't practiced. But by the late seventies students weren't into that. They didn't want an alternative fraternity, they wanted a gung-ho fraternity experience. Again, that's okay. I would wish that a fraternity like the one I was in would exist again today because I think there is something to be learned from living in a house with people from different backgrounds [with] different values in some cases. Learning how to live together, learning how to keep a place up [is important]. I don't regret for one minute that I did that. I also had a [fine] experience in that I was a free agent to do what I wanted. Duffy: You got to go to lunch! Birkner: Yeah, I got to go to lunch and I got to eat dinner with my fraternity brothers and party with them and make those horrible road trips down to Wilson College. You did the things that college students do, but you also did it on a slightly different track. When I came back in the late eighties the college was in transition. It had become by then a more national institution, so students were coming from a larger swath of the country, which was a good thing. [It reflected] a more cosmopolitan view. [The population] was still very white, not as diverse as it is today, but moving in the right direction, I think. I would honestly say that your generation of students on the whole is a lot more fun to teach than 15 any generation I have taught before. Just take for example class yesterday on the "Cat Massacre." You are willing to buy into reading something challenging, thinking about it and then talking about it. To me that is learning. But that wasn't really the pedagogy [in the 1960s and 1970s] and when the transition was made a lot of students just wouldn't buy into it because they were [satisfied] being more passive. Learning should be active. It seems to me we have got that buy in from our majors and more generally, too. Hopefully, what you do in my class and your other history classes carries over into Poli Sci and the other courses you are taking, because again, why should it not? [From here we continue to talk for the next few minutes about the intersections between disciplines in the case of myself and my partner Ryan, as well as the possibilities of support from the government for public history and the National Park Service]. 16
Ego te provoco: algunas consideraciones preliminares.El continuo despliegue de potencias extra-regionales por el hemisferio ha adquirido nuevas connotaciones estos dos últimos años. En ambientes políticos, y comunidades epistémicas, han surgido visiones contrapuestas a la hora de evaluar estos despliegues. Por un lado, están quienes ven esta problemática de forma relativamente benigna y en lo medular acorde a las tendencias globalizantes que estarían abarcando todo el planeta sin excepciones de país, cultura, economía o sociedad. Por otro, están quienes matizan las intensidades y diferencian entre los objetivos buscados por una u otra potencia extra-regional. China, India, Rusia e Irán, los actores extra-regionales más activos, tendrían motivaciones distintas; y la receptividad también sería diferenciada. Sin embargo, en los nichos e intersticios por donde circula la influencia extra-regional queda al descubierto una característica común cual es la ausencia relativa del otrora omnipresente comportamiento de Estados Unidos.En este contexto, plagado de factores multidireccionales, es la penetración iraní la que suscita mayor atención. También es sobre la que hay menor información en fuentes públicas. Ello no ha sido óbice, sin embargo, para que, desde 2005 en adelante, ésta penetración sea no sólo ostensible sino creciente. En visibilidad y en complejidad.En efecto, Irán se está desplegando por América Latina a través de una hábil combinación de elementos propios de soft y del hard power. Emplea también una gama de otros elementos intermedios. Los énfasis de unos, o de otros, está relacionados no sólo con el diseño conceptual y praxis desplegada por Teherán, sino también con la receptividad que ha tenido en cada país de la región. De esta forma, se han generado tendencias que hacen de la relación de Irán con los países latinoamericanos un tema esencial de la agenda de seguridad hemisférica.Siguiendo a dos de los más prolíficos autores en esta materia, Román Ortiz y Ely Karmon, y teniendo en consideración el carácter complejo del diseño conceptual y la praxis de la penetración iraní, se sostiene la hipótesis general de que la principal motivación de los iraníes es la obtención de influencia en el "patio trasero de EEUU".Aunque el despliegue iraní se observa en la mayoría de los países del hemisferio, cinco sudamericanos son los que concentran mayor actividad (en orden alfabético): Argentina, Bolivia, Brasil, Ecuador y Venezuela. Con cada uno, se registra una relación multifacética y no desprovista de elementos sui generis, que poco o nada tienen que ver con los cánones tradicionales de las relaciones bilaterales. En consecuencia, identificar y problematizar estos elementos coadyuva en la muy intrincada tarea de desentrañar las razones por las que, por primera vez en su historia milenaria, los persas se muestran interesados en esta zona del mundo.Para alcanzar un foothold en América del Sur, el régimen iraní se procura diversos tipos de elementos categorizables en a) aquellos de poder suave (diplomacia pura y formal, lazos culturales inocuos, como el hermanamiento de ciudades, convenios universitarios y otros), b) elementos intermedios (apoyo material y espiritual a comunidades shií en la región, a mezquitas y centros religiosos) y c) elementos definitivamente duros (acuerdos militares o industriales vinculados a asuntos de seguridad y defensa o comerciales con dicha finalidad, o bien actividades encubiertas con grupos terroristas afines como Hizbollah). Denominador común de todos estos elementos es su ubicación en el contexto de una estrategia a prioridefinida.La vastedad de los elementos señalados, así como el fortísimo sigilo con que son ejecutados, ha llevado a que analistas y académicos privilegien dos posturas para entender su impacto; ambas benignas. En efecto, la mayoría las ve como algo irrelevante, por momentos incluso con cierta indiferencia, casi como un sub-producto de las excentricidades del régimen de los ayatollahs, mientras que en otros momentos, buscan asociarla a cierta inevitabilidad de los cambios en el escenario mundial y a la pérdida relativa de la influencia estadounidense en América del Sur. Sin embargo, ambas relativizan las verdaderas consecuencias y no dan cuenta de su naturaleza. Naturaleza y consecuencia van de la mano. La primera se entiende por su rasgo fundamental, cual es que toda la estrategia iraní está en manos del Pasdaran. Por cierto que ello no implica necesariamente que todas las consecuencias sean previsibles o inmediatas. Pero al ser el Pasdaran el principal instrumento de la penetración, no se puede sino asociar la penetración a los objetivos e imperativos estratégicos de Teherán, vale decir con los planes nucleares, con la competencia estratégica con EEUU, con la construcción de bases capaces de propinar golpes de represalia en el corazón mismo de Norteamérica y, last but no least, con el papel global asignado a la religión. En otras palabras, con la capacidad de disuasión iraní. Por lo mismo no es casualidad que los planes de desarrollo nuclear y misilístico estén bajo tuición del Pasdaran. Tampoco es casualidad que el despliegue esté tan estrechamente vinculado a su estrategia de promoción del fundamentalismo islámico y a la pretensión de aislar a Israel (1). Vista en el contexto de los imperativos estratégicos de Irán, la generación de complicidades con gobiernos afines es fundamental.En esta materia, el despliegue iraní en la región registra novedades generales y específicas a lo largo del bienio 2010-2011.Hannibal ante portas: Irán se despliega en América del SurCuasi de forma paralela a la gira del Presidente Barack Obama por Brasil, Chile y El Salvador en marzo de 2011, el Viceministro de Relaciones Exteriores iraní, Behrouz Kamalvandi realizó un periplo por Quito, Bogotá y La Paz. Pocas semanas más tarde, al iniciar junio de 2011, el influyente y controversial Ministro de Defensa iraní, Ahmed Vahidi, llegó a Caracas para desplazarse luego a La Paz. Asimismo, a fines de 2010, el régimen de Ahmedinejad destinó US$ 4.500 millones para esta nueva etapa de su despliegue en América del Sur (2).Esta verdadera proliferación de recursos económicos, políticos abiertos y encubiertos, así como diplomáticos indica que los énfasis de estos dos últimos años se han comenzado a vincular crecientemente con el poder duro. De acuerdo a las previsiones de Elías Eliaschev, durante 2011 se completará la designación de 150 cargos para el staff que se dedica a América Latina en general, y de esa masa de US$ 4.500 millones, ya se han empezado a ejecutar US$ 87 millones (una transferencia supervisada por el propio comandante general de las brigadas Quds, Qassem Soleimani), de los cuales, a su vez, siete milllones han ido directo a Hizbollah(3).Parece razonable entonces asumir la hipótesis de que el poder duro ha adquirido centralidad. Sin embargo, los ritmos e impulsos que vaya observando el despliegue iraní dependerá finalmente de los nioveles de receptividad de cada país sudamericano(4). Esta responde a necesidades y motivaciones específicas. De ahí que el despliegue deba tener también una atención relativa en aquellos elementos de poder blando y toda la gama intermedia. Los sucesos acaecidos en torno a la visita de Ahmed Vahidi a Bolivia, examinados infra, así como el objetivo de alcanzar pronto US$ 20 mil millones en inversiones diversas de Irán en la región, confirman esta necesidad que tendrá Irán de ir acomodando su estrategia a las citadas sensibilidades de cada país sudamericano.En cuanto a los elementos de poder suave, el más importante verificador de tendencia del despliegue está dado por el incremento de embajadas iraníes en la región. Teherán tenía hasta el 2007 (5) sólo cinco embajadas en América Latina; de ellas únicamente tres en América del Sur. Hacia el 2011, el número de legaciones con embajador residente ha crecido ostensiblemente. Once suman hasta mediados de 2011 las embajadas iraníes en América Latina. Un dato anexo es que salvo Guyana y Surinam, la diplomacia iraní mantiene legaciones en todos los países de la región, y la única donde no hay embajador residente es aquella en Paraguay. Sin embargo, las visitas a Asunción del embajador concurrente -desde Montevideo- tienen la inusual frecuencia de una por mes; sin contar las constantes visitas de personeros de gobierno a Asunción (6). Finalmente, dentro del ámbito de poder suave, destaca también el apoyo manifiesto expresado por los embajadores de los países integrantes del ALBA en Teherán el 16 de julio de 2010, reiterando el "derecho soberano de Irán para generar energía atómica y utilizarla para fines pacíficos". Declaración vista con satisfacción en Teherán ya que permite visualizar algunos signos homogéneos en la receptividad regional. Debe tenerse en consideración que en los asuntos concernientes al vínculo con Irán, son los países sudamericanos del ALBA (Venezuela y Bolivia) los que llevan la iniciativa (7).En definitiva, se trata de un bienio lleno de connotaciones de alto significado, de una tendencia in crescendo, que, sin embargo, podría terminar abruptamente si la enfermedad del Presidente venezolano eclipsa su protagonismo.a) Relatio in terrorem: ArgentinaLas relaciones argentino-iraníes, a lo largo de estos dos últimos años, siguieron muy fuertemente marcadas por las reverberaciones de los brutales atentados a la embajada israelí y contra la AMIA en 1992 y 1994, respectivamente (8).Antecedentes con poderosa significación fueron descritos y fundamentados por Pepe Eliaschev en el diario Perfil (26.3. 2011). El primero apunta a la propuesta de la Casa Rosada para negociar un acuerdo secreto entre los dos gobiernos para dejar de lado el proceso judicial que lleva a cabo el juez Alberto Nisman contra exdiplomáticos y altos funcionarios iraníes a cambio de un compromiso por mayor intercambio comercial (9). La revelación de este antecedente tuvo como resultado que la visita del canciller Hector Timmerman a Israel, anunciada para fines de marzo, estuvo a punto de ser cancelada debido al profundo malestar causado en el gobierno iraní. Declaraciones posteriores de la cancillería argentina, negando la propuesta, mitigaron el estado de crispación bilateral, y el canciller finalmente se desplazó a Jerusalén.Un segundo antecedente de alta significación, y que causó gran molestia en el juez Nisman, es la revelación de tareas de reclutamiento y recolección de fondos en Brasil por parte de Hizbollah, Hamas y Al Qaeda en la zona de la Triple Frontera, en las que el iraní Moshe Rabbani, sindicado como autor intelectual del ataque a la AMIA, es fundamental. Rabbani ha visitado ocasionalmente Brasil utilizando pasaporte falso (10). Para ahondar aún más la controversia, Rabbani participó en abril de 2011 en un programa de radio junto al activista kirchnerista Luis D´Elía negando la versión de sus viajes a Brasil. Anexo a esta problemática, durante el bienio continuó también la controversia en torno a las actividades de la embajada de Irán en Buenos Aires. El juez Rafael Rafecas, por ejemplo, denunció que desde esa legación se financia a muchas agrupaciones anti-judías y que el nexo es el activista pro-gubernativo Luis D´Elía (11).El intento de revertir el estado de deterioro generalizado que existe en las relaciones bilaterales, y que Eliaschev adjudica a la influencia del canciller Timmerman, ocurrió meses después de que la Presidenta Cristina Fernandez, hablando ante la Asamblea General de la ONU en septiembre de 2010, propusiera una solución a la Lockerbie, que comprendiera un proceso judicial a los iraníes acusados por el caso de la AMIA en un tercer país, por mutuo acuerdo entre Irán y Argentina (12). No queda muy claro la finalidad de la propuesta, ya que, como era dable esperar, provocó una agria carta respuesta de Irán dirigida al Presidente de la Asamblea General(13).Finalmente cabe consignar que en el plano comercial, a inicios de abril de 2011, se anunció que Teherán empezará a incrementar sus compras de soya. La iniciativa surgió no sólo por el interés de Irán sino por la baja de las exportaciones argentinas de este producto a la India para las que era necesario encontrar otro poder comprador (14).En suma, el bienio 2010-2011 ha servido para constatar que el vínculo iraní-argentino sigue alterado en sus cimientos (15). La intensidad de las reverberaciones que continúan emanando de los atentados a la embajada israelí y a la AMIA ponen necesariamente un signo de interrogación a la evolución ulterior que tenga este problema, cuya solución definitiva no se divisa. En tal sentido, el principal elemento a monitorear es la presunta oferta emanada de Teherán a mediados de julio orientada a re-tomar el diálogo.b) Dulce periculum: las tentaciones bolivianas El bienio 2010-2011 fue especialmente fructífero para la relación entre estos dos países. Mirado desde el punto de vista de la estrategia iraní, los antecedentes del período consolidaron a Bolivia, en términos cualitativos, como el segundo eslabón más importante en la región. Mirado desde la perspectiva boliviana, asistencia iraní en diversos ámbitos superó los US$ 1200 millones lo que convirtió a Irán en el segundo donante del país, superando a la Unión Europea (16).En el plano diplomático adquirieron relevancia varios hechos como la inauguración de la embajada iraní en La Paz, en septiembre de 2010, el viaje del Presidente Morales a Teherán un mes más tarde (17), y los desplazamientos realizados por varios altos personeros del gobierno iraní por territorio boliviano durante el primer semestre de 2011. Desde el punto de vista comunicacional, lo más destacado del viaje de Morales a Teherán y Tabriz, fue el anuncio de que Irán asistiría a Bolivia en la construcción de una planta de energía nuclear. Dado que el asunto carece de toda viabilidad debido al precario nivel de masa crítica existente en Bolivia respecto a esta materia, el anuncio adquiere singularidad. Desde ahora en adelante habrá movimientos, algunos visibles, otros menos, de especialistas y personeros vinculados a elementos de poder duro iraní. En este marco, fuertes sospechas tiene la aprobación de un proyecto de ley por el Congreso boliviano en junio de 2011, destinado a facilitar el turismo entre los dos países, ya que, pese a no existir cifras oficiales sobre el tema, todas las estimaciones apuntan a un flujo prácticamente inexistente.Otros dos elementos de poder duro son tanto la declaración conjunta emitida tras el viaje de Morales, en el sentido de que ambos países señalan a EEUU como enemigo común, como también el anuncio de crear un banco binacional que permitirá gestionar futuros proyectos. Esto último, ya se había visualizado un mes antes del viaje de Morales, cuando el ministro de Industrias y Minas de Irán, Ali Akhbar Mehravian asistió a la presentación de cartas credenciales del embajador Alireza Ghozeilee en La Paz, asunto que además, coincidió con la apertura física de la legación persa. La cartera del ministro constituyó una señal indicativa del énfasis que Irán está dando a este vínculo. Consecuentemente, durante la visita de Mahrebi, ambos países suscribieron acuerdos en materias de gas, petróleo y petroquímica. Además, Mahrebi inauguró las dependencias de la Iranian Oil en Santa Cruz y ofreció una nueva línea de crédito por US$ 254 millones que permitirá expandir los proyectos existentes y examinar nuevos proyectos en torno a la extracción del litio.Posteriormente, en marzo de 2011, la visita del Vicecanciller Behrouz Kamalvandi hizo anuncios que reforzaron el carácter estratégico que está asumiendo Bolivia en el despliegue iraní en la región. Kamalvandi anunció tanto la creación de un Centro Geocientífico, que se dedicará a estudiar datos geológicos de Bolivia, como de una red de transmisión y de antenas que permita crear un canal nacional de televisión. El objetivo central del Centro Geocientífico es localizar yacimientos de uranio. Hasta ahora, los estudios sobre localización y caraterísticas de depósitos uraníferos bolivianos son confusos, debido a su obsolescencia y poca acuciosidad. Uranio existiría en la Cordillera de Los Frailes, en Cotaje (Potosí) y en Mamonó, el este del país cerca d ela frontera con Brasil, en el Parque Noel Kempff Mercado y bajo el Bosque Seco Chiquitano (ambos forman el ecosistema El Pantanal). Tras la visita de Mehravian, la ministra boliviana de Planificación, Viviana Caro manifestó, "hay intenciones de realizar trabajos, pero lo que se necesita es una carta geológica actualizada en la que colaborará Irán" (18). Jorisch sostiene que el litio podría ser utilizado como un acelerador alternativo en el enriquecimiento de uranio. Durante su visita, Kamalvandi firmó acuerdos justamente para explotar litio (algo acordado inicialmente durante la visita de Ghozeilee)(19). Además, comprometió una línea de crédito adicional a la de US$ 270 millones ya existente para construir represas. Se trata de una línea crediticia abierta que se materializará apenas lo disponga el gobierno de Morales.Una significancia mayor tiene la llegada a Bolivia, en junio de 2011, del ministro de Defensa iraní, Ahmed Vahidi (20), quien visitó La Paz y Santa Cruz. Declaraciones de Vahidi ofreciendo todo tipo de ayuda militar que Bolivia demande y la invitación a la inauguración de la Escuela Militar del ALBA, ratifican la hipótesis sustentada acerca de la especificidad estratégica que tiene el despliegue iraní en Bolivia. Como trascendió por la prensa, Vahidi debió interrumpir su estadía en Bolivia, cuando fue detectado por el servicio de inteligencia argentino (SI) mientras se efectuaba una ceremonia en el Colegio Militar de Aviación (COLMILAV) en la que se entregaban licencias de pilotos a cadetes de Bolivia, Venezuela y Panamá. Ello motivó la rápida queja del gobierno de Cristina Fernández, quien advirtió al Presidente Morales sobre el retiro de la invitación que se le había cursado para que visitara Buenos Aires la semana siguiente (21). Bolivia presentó sus excusas al gobierno argentino, y ni Morales ni su ministra de Defensa, Cecilia Chacón se refirieron públicamente al incidente. Vahidi, sin comentarlo directamente, valoró positivamente su paso por Bolivia y reiteró que "la cooperación total con los países latinoamericanos goza de prioridad para Irán"(22).El carácter estratégico de Bolivia en el despliegue iraní en la región, había quedado esbozado en octubre de 2010, cuando el ministro de Economía y Finanzas de Bolivia, Luis Arce informó de un acuerdo entre los dos países para la compra de equipos militares iraníes, el mantenimiento de las aeronaves de la Fuerza Aérea Boliviana (FAB), así como un acuerdo para entrenamiento militar. Ese anuncio ministerial ocurrió dos semanas después que Morales llegara procedente de Teherán (23).En síntesis, la relación bilateral ha entrado en una etapa cualitativamente distinta estos dos últimos años, marcada por claras intenciones de fortalecer un compromiso que adquiere visos de estratégico. El interés manifestado por ambos en esta línea indica que se debería generar mayores niveles de asociatividad bilateral en el futuro cercano. En todo caso, si Bolivia no cautela los aspectos políticos formales de este acercamiento, se producirán inevitablemente fricciones inesperadas con terceros, tal cual de desprendió de la tensión argentino-iraní en relación a Vahidi. La experiencia de este hombre clave del Pasdaran en Bolivia es una señal que los próximos pasos del acercamiento bilateral se caractericen por la opacidad y el sigilo.c) De omnibus dubitandum, las aprehensiones del neo-lulismobrasileño Las relaciones bilaterales durante el bienio, sometidas a las reverberaciones del viaje del Presidente Ahmedinejad a Brasil, ocurrido en las postrimerías del 2009, siguen mostrando señales ambivalentes. Sin embargo, la fuerza ex intra de algunas de éstas indican que, paulatinamente, se ha ido instalando la idea de poner las relaciones bilaterales bajo premisas nuevas. Son señales que, decodificadas, ofrecen matices diferenciadores respecto a los años de lulismo puro.En efecto, a lo largo de casi todo el 2010 se observó una atención brasileña muy deferente hacia problemática iraní, ejemplificada en la crítica que hizo el canciller Celso Amorim en marzo de ese año a la imposición de sanciones contra el régimen de Teherán. El pragmatismo del lulismo puro cobró expresividad en el acuerdo Brasil-Turquía (marzo 2010), que provocó desconcierto en varios países centrales, malestar en Washington y preocupación en Israel (24). Ese acuerdo, percibido positivamente por Ahmedinejad, se suscribió en el marco de la cumbre de los G-15 realizada en Teherán.Otra señal proveniente del pragmatismo lulista había ocurrido poco antes, en abril de 2010, cuando Petrobras anunció que mantendría sus oficinas en Teherán y todas sus inversiones en el Mar Caspio, pese al clima internacional desfavorable. Prosiguió al mes siguiente, cuando de forma demostrativa, Lula realizó una visita oficial a Teherán, que culminó en el controversial acuerdo con Turquía. Continuó en junio de 2010, cuando, en votación dividida, el Consejo de Seguridad aprobó sanciones (Resolución 2040) con los votos en contra de Brasil y Turquía (ambos miembros no permanentes del órgano en ese momento).En esta postura pragmática subyacía una visión muy clara. Lula veía los asuntos internacionales con un prisma que favorecía la mantención del diálogo con todo tipo de regímenes y de rechazo a la imposición de sanciones. Para Lula, el efecto de las sanciones terminaban recayendo en los más pobres. Lula, además, insistía en el necesario respeto a la cultura, costumbres y leyes de todos los países, alegando que de lo contrario se alimentaba las tendencias al caos en el sistema internacional.Sin embargo, la asunción de Dilma Roussef comenzó a ofrecer matices respecto allulismo puro, denominación que parte del supuesto que con Dilma el lulismo sigue representando el prisma central de la política exterior brasileña.Sin embargo, los nuevos matices, advertibles en las primeras decisiones de Dilma en torno a la problemática iraní, sugieren que subyacen ideas nuevas. Aunque es prematuro visualizar la intensidad que estas ideas nuevas, se pueden conjeturar énfasis de tipo cuasi doctrinario, por ejemplo en materia de derechos humanos, vistos tanto genéricamente como en lo relativo al de las mujeres. Tal inclinación salpicará directamente la relación con Irán.Dos novedades interesantes sobre esto son las siguientes. Dilma, por ejemplo, fue mucho más dura que su antececesor en cuanto a criticar la lapidación de Sakineh Ashtiani, por presunta complicidad en asesinato de su esposo. Indicó que era "inaceptable y medieval". Apenas ocurrido el hecho, y en su calidad de candidata presidencial, Dilma, solicitó al entonces Presidente Lula, que diera indicaciones a su embajador en Teherán, Antonio Luis Salgado para reunirse con autoridades de la cancillería persa e informarles que Brasil estaba en condiciones de garantizar asilo a Ashtiani.Luego, ya en funciones, invitó a la abogada disidente Shirin Ebadi, Premio Nobel de la Paz 2003, asunto que irritó a la cancillería iraní. Luego, el ministerio de Cultura brasileño formuló críticas a la censura de las obras del escritor Paulo Coelho en Irán.Probablemente el dato más significativo ocurrió en 2011, cuando, por primera vez en 10 años, Brasil (junto a Panamá y Colombia y contra Cuba y Ecuador) votaron a favor de una moción en la Comisión de Derechos Humanos para monitorear la situación de éstos en Irán. Baste recordar que el año previo -2010, es decir bajo ellulismo puro- Brasil se abstuvo (25).Aunque el re-enfoque brasileño implicará que Brasil ya no tendrá un papel tan relevante en el establecimiento del foothold iraní en la región, el régimen de Ahmedinejad ha reaccionado con cautela ante las nuevas señales provenientes de Brasilia. No ha hecho ver sus molestias y pareciera optar por darle preeminencia a los espacios e intersticios que se muestren disponibles. En esa línea, anunció que establecerá un centro comercial durante el segundo semestre 2011 para facilitar negocios entre los dos países (26). El régimen iraní es consciente que el deterioro de la relación bilateral perjudicará más a Irán que a Brasil. Además, también hay señales de continuidad.Vital en este aspecto es la mantención del negocio de la triangulación de alimentos, carnes y azúcar que realizan empresas brasileñas instaladas en Dubai y Emiratos Arabes Unidos.Huelga subrayar que este recalibramiento seguirá siendo monitoreado por Washington y las potencias centrales. A lo largo del bienio ha habido varios motivos de preocupación que podrían repetirse. Por ejemplo, según revelaciones de Wikileaks, a fines de 2010, se produjo una situación que generó preocupación en EEUU y en Alemania, ya que la empresa Machine Sazi Tabriz (MST) habría estado adquiriendo material de uso dual a la brasileña Mello SA Maquinas e Equipamentos. Siemens habría detenido a última hora importantes envíos a Mello SA que iban a ser entregados a MST (27).En definitiva se puede establecer que la relación brasileño-iraní pasa por momentos de ciertas re-definiciones producto de los cambios políticos internos en Brasilia. Dado que la cautela dominará la apreciación de ambos, es probable que la agenda bilateral no oscile entre elementos de poder duro ni blando, sino descanse en aquellos intermedios, donde las cuestiones estrictamente comerciales vayan adquiriendo centralidad. (1) Los dos principales instrumentos globales de la línea estratégica anti-israelí son ese híbrido llamado Hizbollah y el Pasdaran; ambos con capacidades para operar en cualquier parte del globo. Los mortíferos ataques en Buenos contra la embajada de Israel en Buenos Aires en 1992 y contra la AMIA en 1994, ejecutados conjuntamente, son los mejores ejemplos de dicha capacidad. Karmon sostiene que la amenaza terrorista es el principal desafío a la seguridad internacional y que después de la guerra fría no se podría hablar de un conflicto armado donde no se haga uso del instrumento terrorista. En tal sentido –añade- la gran amenaza actual proviene de lo que denomina la "coalición iraní", compuesta por Irán y su proxy organization, Hizbollah, creado por el Pasdaran, por Siria, por Hamas.(2) La cifra aparece en varias de las referencias utilizadas en este texto. Según Eliaschev, las prioridades de esta nueva fase del despliegue iraní son: la Triple Frontera (Brasil, Paraguay, Argentina), Venezuela y Panamá. (3) Ver: "Venezuela e Irán".(4) Otros elementos de poder duro son el esfuerzo por instalar en la región bancos iraníes o bien formar instituciones bancarias asociadas así como la cooperación para la prospección y explotación de recursos energéticos específicos (uranio, litio, petróleo y gas).(5) Fecha referencial clave. El despliegue iraní adquirió contornos más precisos y sistémicos con la Conferencia Internacional sobre América Latina, denominada "Desarrollo en América Latina: su papel y su estatus en el futuro sistema internacional" (febrero, 2007) y en la que participaron invitados de Argentina, Venezuela, Colombia, Cuba, Brasil, Uruguay y Ecuador aparte de latinoamericanistas de Italia, Rusia, y China". Fue un seminario auspiciado por el Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores iraní y sirvió para dar luces acerca del diseño conceptual y modelos de praxis para materializar la iniciativa. Procuró insertar conceptualmente el despliegue en las corrientes revolucionarias de la época, buscando asociar las figuras de los comandantes Chamran y Guevara como simbólicas del encuentro revolucionario entre Irán y América Latina. El gobierno iraní invitó a exponer al seminario a dos hijos de Guevara. Pocos meses más tarde, en Teherán e Isfahan, también con auspicio de organismos de gobierno, se efectuó el Primer Congreso Internacional de Literatura Latinoamericana. Ver Witker, op cit. pp. 171-172.(6) La relación de Irán con Paraguay se inicia bajo mandato del Presidente Lugo el 15 de agosto de 2008. Un trascendido relevante en las relaciones de Irán con esta zona del mundo es la presunta petición formulada a inicios de abril de 2011 por Ahmedinejad al Presidente paraguayo, Fernando Lugo en orden a garantizar asilo para Muammar Gaddafi.(7) Ver "Apoyo del ALBA a Irán" en el sitio http://www.noticiasdeiran.com (accesado el 01.06.2011).(8) La trayectoria y los eventos dramáticos ocurridos en la capital argentina apuntan a un diseño conceptual y praxis específicas del interés de Irán en Argentina, pues no se divisan motivos demográficos o migratorios, ni económicos, ni gran colaboración militar, aunque sí hay versiones, no confirmadas, de interés en la industria nuclear argentina a comienzos de los 90. Sí tiene fuerza explicativa la numerosa población judía en Argentina. Al asumir a los aproximadamente 250 mil judíos argentinos como blanco de su despliegue global, se advierten elementos coherentes con el esquema antijudío que marca la diplomacia iraní desde fines de los 80.(9) El acuerdo habría nacido tras una oferta hecha por Timmerman mientras efectuaba una visita a Aleppo, Siria entre el 23 y 24 de enero de 2011. Los mediadores iban a ser el Presidente sirio Bashar al Assad y su canciller Walid al Mohalem. El texto de Eliaschev asegura que en septiembre de 2010 y febrero de 2011 se produjeron tratativas directas, aunque discretas, entre Argentina e Irán a nivel de "funcionarios poco conocido".(10) Pagina 12 y Perfil (7 de abril). El juez Nisman identificó una casa de seguridad de Rabbani y otros 20 terroristas en Sergipe N° 67 en la ciudad Foz de Iguacú.(11) Rafecas instruye casos contra algunos grupos terroristas como Quebracho. Esas afirmaciones las hizo en una reunión realizada en la Sociedad Hebraica del Pilar, Buenos Aires el 30 de marzo de 2011.(12) Hay versiones que indican que esta fórmula habría sido propuesta en 2003 y que no se habría encontrado ningún país dispuesto a servir como tal.(13) "Respuesta de Irán a Argentina en Naciones Unidas" en http://www.noticiasdeiran.com (accesado 14.6.2011).(14) El intercambio comercial entre Irán y Argentina llegaba en 2011 a US$ 1.200 millones anualmente.(15) Inicialmente, las investigaciones tropezaron con las enormes dudas acerca de qué pudo haber motivado esta expansión terrorista hacia América del Sur. También se hicieron públicas varias hipótesis argentino-céntricas de un presunto descontento del mundo musulmán por la participación de Buenos Aires en la primera guerra desatada por Estados Unidos contra Irak, aunque Irán era muy hostil al Irak de Saddam Hussein 1980-1988. Ese resentimiento musulmán se habría visto alimentado también por otros motivos. Los daños causados a Irak, financista de Egipto, y potencial beneficiario del proyecto misilístico Cóndor (desarrollado por Argentina y Egipto), abandonado por Menem por imposición de Estados Unidos. Luego estaría la decepción de Trípoli tras haber invertido fondos en la campaña electoral de Menem. Otro elemento de resentimiento musulmán con Argentina sería la distancia que tomó Buenos Aires respecto del Movimiento de No Alineados en 1991 y su acercamiento a Estados Unidos. Por último, la desilusión experimentada por Damasco ante los diversos viajes de Menem a Medio Oriente en los que no visitó Siria (el país de sus ancestros), a la vez que se convertía en el primer Presidente argentino en viajar a Israel. Todas hipótesis excesivamente argentino-céntricas y carentes de efectivo poder explicativo.(16) Irán ha financiado una fábrica de textiles, una de cemento, un hospital en El Alto, una procesadora de lácteos y ha iniciado estudios para una ensambladora de tractores. La suma es un conjunto de créditos que forman parte del llamado Plan de Cooperación Industrial válido por cinco años firmado en 2007 durante la visita de Ahmedinejad a La Paz. Notoriedad tiene un reportaje de la BBC (27.11.2009) alerta sobre la posible obligatoriedad que existiría en el centro hospitalario construido en El Alto para que las mujeres porten velo.(17) La visita de Morales incluyó un desplazamiento a la ciudad de Tabriz donde visitó una fábrica de tractores. Irán tiene la oferta de instalar una ensambladora similar a la levantada en Venezuela.(18) Ver: "Uranio y agua para Irán" en http://www.noalamina.org (accesado 10.6.2011).(19) Sobre este punto, las negociaciones se habían iniciado en octubre de 2010 durante la segunda visita de Morales a Teherán. Bolivia tiene un depósitos estimados de 100 millones de toneladas métricas (TM) de litio, lo que correspondería al 70% de las reservas mundiales.(20) Excomandante general de la Fuerza Quds del Pasdaran. Existe orden de captura internacional por su participación en el atentado contra la AMIA en Buenos Aires en 1994. Por años nexo entre Teherán y Hizbollah. Su cargo actual implica una tuición directa en el programa de desarrollo nuclear de Irán. La orden de captura de Interpol se extiende a Moshen Rabbani (ex agregado de prensa en la embajada iraní en Buenos Aires), Ali Akhbar Velayati (excanciller), Alí Fallahijan (exministro de Informaciones), Alí Rafsanjani (expresidente), Moshen Rezai (exasesor presidencial), Hadi Soleimanpour (exvicecanciller).(21) Gran parte de la prensa mundial consignó esta nota ese día. El canciller David Choquehuanca endosó responsabilidades a funcionarios medios del Ministerio de Defensa. Otro antecedente que apoya la sospecha de una circunstancia embarazosa es que Vahidi se encontraba alojado en el mismo hotel (Casa Blanca), que el Presidente Morales. Ver La Tercera, Santiago de Chile 6.6. 2011.(22) La Prensa (Bolivia) 03.06.2011.(23) El anunció precisó que podrían adquirirse FAJR-3, S-68 e IRAN-140 así como helicópteros. Ver Los Tiempos, Cochabamba 1.11.2010.(24) El acuerdo consistía en que Irán se comprometía a enviar 1200 kilos de uranio enriquecido al 3,5% hacia Turquía y recibiría el producto enriquecido al 20% para usos médicos, en un proceso supervisado por EEUU, Francia y Rusia más el Organismo Internacional de Energía Atómica.(25) Aprobada por 22 votos a favor , 7 en contra y 14 abstenciones.(26) Aunque la relación entre ambos países también se remonta a comienzos del siglo 20 sólo a partir de los 90 comenzó a registrar cierto volumen al intercambiar alimentos. Sin embargo, a partir de 2003, Petrobras obtuvo una primera licencia de exploración de petróleo en el Mar Caspio con lo que la relación bilateral aumentó fuertemente. En 2004, Petrobras obtuvo una segunda licencia y en 2007 una tercera. El 2009, asociada con Repsol, obtuvo derechos de explotación del bloque Tosan, también en el Caspio.(27) State 123431 SIPDIS E.O. 12958: DECL:12/12/2034 *El autor es politólogo y periodista de la Universidad de Chile,PhD en Comunicaciones por la Universidad Carlos IV de Praga, República Checa y egresado del Centro Hemisférico de Estudios de la Defensa, National Defense University (CHDS-NDU). Ha sido jefe de la Mención en Relaciones Internacionales del Doctorado en Estudios Americanos de la Universidad de Santiago y jefe de Cátedra de Estudios Internacionales de la Academia Nacional de Estudios Políticos y Estratégicos (ANEPE) de Chile. En la actualidad es profesor de la ANEPE y la Universidad Alberto Hurtado de Santiago de Chile,profesor visitante del Colegio Interamericano de Defensa, Washington DC. Ha publicado varios artículos sobre terrorismo y seguridad internacional en revistas académicas, destacando "Los guiños de Mefisto. Relaciones Irán-América Latina, los casos de Chile y Argentina", "El síndrome de Herostratos o la conversión de terroristas en íconos". "Momentos palmerstonianos: retórica integracionista y conductas divisivas a la luz de la cumbre energética de 2007".
Part two of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Why and how he came to the U. S. to live. What his first impressions of the U.S. were. Stories of language and cultural differences he experienced. ; 1 ALI: Only due you were all the horse, everything, something like this you have to bribe and every dollar, like I say before, every dollar I have to give two and a half cents to the poor. See? Then, and this person he get help enough from all over and nobody know who help. See? This is the custom, all the Muslim religion. SPEAKER2: So your family was pretty well-off you said and living was kind of comfortable. ALI: Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah. Do you remember anything that was… any outstanding events in your life down…? And like you said meeting famous people was some… you know, you met a lot of the high officials in… ALI: Oh, yes. SPEAKER2: But do you… anything outstanding in your life that you remember – any specific events, anything special? ALI: What do you mean? SPEAKER2: Oh, just anything. Like, maybe you remember some fairs or things like that, big carnivals that you have inside the… ALI: No. SPEAKER2: Or holidays or things… ALI: Oh, yeah, holidays. We have holiday but we have once in a while horses. We like horses over there – who's fast. SPEAKER2: Oh, races? ALI: Races. Not money. SPEAKER2: No? ALI: No, no, no, no. We don't believe that at all. You never hear in the our country. Horse race. SPEAKER2: Not betting. ALI: No bet, nothing. But each one get, like I say, two, three time around here they have this level land and who is the horseman, 2 proud of his horse who's gonna beat. And he's going to the land and stand up together and say, "Come on, who's gonna win?" SPEAKER2: Yeah, so just for the fun of it. ALI: Just the fun, together. SPEAKER2: I see what you… ALI: Yes. SPEAKER2: Why did you decide to come to this country? ALI: Well, I mix with politics too much. SPEAKER2: [Laughs] ALI: Every time I open my big mouth with me in jail, English government. See? And I say, well, my father say, "Ali, Mo?" I say, "Yes?" He say, "Best thing, sonny, don't stay here. You get trouble enough." SPEAKER2: Really? ALI: That's right. Even when I came here in this country, 1946 exactly, I get followed by American army. I went to Palestine. I took the boys training. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: For the house fight. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: Somebody squeal, the English government put me in jail, and I have to call my brother and my father, they bail me $1500 cash. When I went down there, I went out, I want to escape back to this country, my father give me hard time. He say, "Every time you come in you give me a hard time." I say, "Okay, dad, I won't come in anymore." I have wife, I have children there at that time. SPEAKER2: How old were you then? ALI: What year? SPEAKER2: How old were you? ALI: I don't know, 1946. SPEAKER2: Nineteen-forty six. About 30 years old, something like that.3 ALI: Yes, something like this. SPEAKER2: And you had a family. You had a wife and children. ALI: Yes, I had wife. My wife she died 1948. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: But I have three children, two boys and a girl. See? And I left; I went to take the boat from Haifa. When they see my passport, I found out the English government give my name all over. SPEAKER2: Ooh. ALI: They say, "No, we can't… you can't leave the country." So, okay, can't argument. I win. I went to American council. SPEAKER2: You won the argument? ALI: No, I can't win. SPEAKER2: Oh, you can't win. Oh. ALI: I went to American council, ambassador, his name Robert Ty. I say, "Cousin?" He say, "What?" I say, "I need your car." He say, "You got trouble?" I say, "Yes. I need your car and American flag and a chauffeur and I want your pipe." SPEAKER2: [Laughs] ALI: I never smoke in my life. He said, "What you do?" I say, "It's not your business; just give me your car." He says, "How I'm going home?" I say, "Take my car." I have… I took with me two car from here, Chevrolet 1946 premium. He says, "Where is your car?" I say, "I'm going to the coffee house, so such place and I leave the key there, and just give me your car." He give me his car and he give me chauffeur and I took sunglasses, I wear glasses, I took the pipe, I put in my mouth, I got magazine and the chauffeur driving and American flag flying both from the… SPEAKER2: Yeah, both sides. ALI: Both sides. And I went to the airport. I went under American council name and the fellow was looking for me. He salute to me and I returned the salute in the car and I went past him with a gun 4 on his shoulder looking for me. And I then land on Switzerland and I have a friend of mine in Switzerland, by a minister, his name Houseworth. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: I went to his home. I land and with no money, he pay my ticket. SPEAKER2: Yeah. This is in what, 1960? ALI: Nineteen forty-six. SPEAKER2: Forty-six? That was the first time you were coming to this country? ALI: No, I came here 1935. SPEAKER2: Thirty-five? ALI: Thirty-five. SPEAKER2: What was…? ALI: In 1946, I was already in American army, intelligence service. SPEAKER2: Oh, okay. So, when you… the first time when you decided to come, was that for political reasons, too? ALI: For politic because I want to be… almost get kicked out. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: And that's why I came here. SPEAKER2: So it was… did you have a thought of coming to America before you had trouble or did you ever think of it? ALI: No. SPEAKER2: No, you hadn't…. ALI: I have no idea of America at all but I have a brother here. Solomon. SPEAKER2: Yeah. He was here before? ALI: Yes, he came 1921-22 something like this, I think. SPEAKER2: And how did the other people feel about you going? You really had no choice so they. did anybody know you were going to America? ALI: No.5 SPEAKER2: No, they did not. ALI: Nobody know, even my father. When I land here, I have to send my brother. He send him telegram. He say, "Your son, here," because I'm the baby to the family. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: He said, "Young son. I hope he don't give us hard time like what he gave you." He said, "Well, please take care of him." SPEAKER2: How did you get here the first time – boat or plane? ALI: I came with boat. Yes. SPEAKER2: Do you remember how much it cost? ALI: You know, I can't tell you. SPEAKER2: Was it very expensive? ALI: No, not expensive but we stay almost 30 days. SPEAKER2: Did you go… would you leave Halifax then? ALI: No, I came from Haifa. SPEAKER2: Haifa. ALI: We came in Haifa; we land in Marseille, France. And we land from Marseille, I think, to Italy, Napoli. I don't know Napoli first or… SPEAKER2: Probably Italy first and then… ALI: Marseille. And after, we land here in New York. From New York, I took the boat again; I land in Boston, south Boston. Yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: One fellow Albanian was with me. He's the one who bring me to my brother. SPEAKER2: He's the only person that was with you that you knew. ALI: No, I met him in a boat. I met him… SPEAKER2: Otherwise, you were alone. ALI: Alone. SPEAKER2: Yeah, did you speak any English then?6 ALI: No, even when I… and I forget, when I was in Italy, I stayed 10 days, Napoli, afraid to give me and we didn't eat no pork. SPEAKER2: No. ALI: I suppose to be my hand, I look, I find the eggs. Now, I know where the eggs. Every morning I go there I say with my finger: Two, dinner, four, supper, four. SPEAKER2: That's all you ate? ALI: Ten days, I ate eggs – two eggs in the morning, four eggs at noon and four eggs at night for 10 days. SPEAKER2: How was the ride over itself? Was it a long trip or was it kinda crowded or uncomfortable? ALI: No, no, it's comfortable. It don't bother me. SPEAKER2: No? It's okay? Once you're on the way, did you have second thoughts about coming here, or really you had no choice? ALI: I had no choice. I come… at least my… I have a brother here. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: In my mind he help me and he teach me English. SPEAKER2: So you said you came to New York first? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER2: What was the first thing you saw in this country? Do you remember what you saw? ALI: I was tend to… when I see in New York, I don't believe it because when you land in New York you don't see big building. SPEAKER2: No? ALI: You see only small, small houses. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: And the houses is wood. I don't believe it because in our country you never see house with wood. SPEAKER2: No?7 ALI: Not big either. Stone. And the stone from outside and stone inside and cement in the middle. The wall one yard, yard and a quarter wide. SPEAKER2: On all houses? ALI: All the houses. SPEAKER2: Built the same? ALI: That's right. If you throw with a big gun, not rifle… SPEAKER2: Canon? ALI: Canon. It won't go through the wall. No, siree, because the wall stone from outside and it was stone from inside and cement in the middle with small stone. SPEAKER2: They're all built the same. ALI: All built the same. SPEAKER2: Why? Is this for protection or…? ALI: I didn't know because we don't have any trees there because English and Turk they cut all the trees. We don't have any wood. And I never see wood houses. When I came to this country, I was absolutely scared to walk up the stairs because wood. SPEAKER2: You didn't… ALI: Because when you walk you see the house shaking and you never see that in our country. You can dance in our country and nobody hear you even or mind or shaking. SPEAKER2: [Laughs] So the houses were small and were… were you probably a little disappointed maybe? ALI: Disappointed. SPEAKER2: Yeah? ALI: When I land in Boston, south Boston, it's worse. SPEAKER2: Right. I can believe that. So when did you come? What… do you remember what the date was when you got here? ALI: May 21st. SPEAKER2: May 21st, 19?8 ALI: Nineteen thirty-five. SPEAKER2: And how did you feel beside disappointment? Were you… did you… anything else make… anything make an impression on you that's good? ALI: No, nothing. SPEAKER2: No? ALI: Nothing. I didn't see nothing. SPEAKER2: There wasn't… was there any welcome for you? Was your brother here to meet you? ALI: Oh, yes. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: Yes. And after me and other brother came, the priest, older than me, we went, him and I, to Old Orchard Beach, opened a store. SPEAKER2: Really? Yeah? ALI: Yes. I came here May 21st; June first, I opened a store in Old Orchard Beach. The second door in your right-hand side before you get to railroad, you have railroad track, cut when you go to Old Orchard Beach. I was second door in your right-hand side. I opened dry goods. And I can't speak English. My brother hire three girls work for me and the first word teach me, bad word. SPEAKER2: [Laughs] Yeah? ALI: And one day they get busy and one lady came with a bathing suit, I never see that in my life, walk in the door with bathing suit. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: I was looking at, I got lost. My face turned red and everything. And then she looked [Fabiano's car] and I hold in my hand, I called the name because I thought it mean, "Good morning," or "Nice day," or something. SPEAKER2: Oh, you didn't know what the word meant. No. ALI: No. I call her. She hit the floor and she start talk to me, "I don't know what you're talking about." I repeat it again. You know, 9 repeat it again, three times. She left and she went called the policeman. SPEAKER2: Uh-oh. ALI: The policeman come in and he start talk to me, "I don't know what you're talking about." Maybe he gave me hell, maybe swear, I don't know what he say. I only one word she teach me, one of the girls and she was full of devil. See? And he said talk to me, a lot of thing, he gave me hell and swear to me. I don't know what he say. I just look at him like a statue, like stupid. And the girls started laughing inside, the three girls. He went and said, "What's wrong with this fellow? He said bad word, nice but why he don't say nothing now? He just look at me." He said, "The truth, he don't… he just come here and our fault. We teach him this word. He thinks it's something good maybe." And he came to me and say, "Passport." Well, Arabic and English same name, passport, passport. I thought it was only eight days. He talked to the girls, he say, "Well…" I don't know what he tell her. He say, "Okay." I say with my hand like this, goodbye. SPEAKER2: Goodbye. ALI: When brother the next Sunday he came, I told him. He said, "Oh, my gosh, look, you lucky, he don't go put you in jail. It's bad word." I never repeat it since that time. SPEAKER2: [Laughs] Once you got to… you said you went to south Boston was the first place you landed at. ALI: Yes. SPEAKER2: And brother came with… did he go with on the boat there as well? ALI: No, the Albanian fellow. He bring me to my brother because I give him the address, 26 Tremont St., Palestine Oriental Company, the name. SPEAKER2: Was there any formalities getting into this country, like physical exams or anything like that? Do you remember?10 ALI: Not at that time. SPEAKER2: No? There wasn't anything? ALI: No. SPEAKER2: You didn't have to go through quarantine or anything? ALI: No, I get just the passport. I show them the passport and didn't look to my suitcase either. SPEAKER2: No? ALI: No. SPEAKER2: So once you got to south Boston, your brother was waiting for you? ALI: No. SPEAKER2: Was he waiting for in New York? ALI: No, in Boston, in his store. He don't know, he don't know what day I'm gonna be here. SPEAKER2: Oh, I see. ALI: That Albanian fellow. SPEAKER2: He took you there. ALI: It was because before he was a cook, I found out he's a cook in Worcester and he know English before me and he took me to my brother. I gave him my brother address and he took me to my brother. And even he pay for my cup of coffee. SPEAKER2: When you're getting to like where you were going to live, what were your impression of, like, say Boston? You know, it must've been… it was a totally different scenery and things in your country so. ALI: Yes, absolutely it's different. Jerusalem naturally is narrow street and the houses close to each other. And sometime, like you call a tunnel, the houses like a tunnel, you walk for two, three, four hundred feet, five hundred feet, you don't see no sign, all stores. See? And down there, every Friday, like I say, in Jerusalem, 11:30 [speaking in Arabic] beats, I don't know what you call in English, 11 beats, like [speaking in Arabic} I see in this country sometime between the door. Like… SPEAKER2: To stop the door from… ALI: Beats. You know hang up like this beats and you open it and you walk into… SPEAKER2: Oh, I see what you mean. Yeah, I know what you mean, the beads. Yeah. ALI: Yeah. Grab this one in the store, jewelry, grocery, dry goods, anything you think and leave the door like this, go to church till 12:30, 1:00, and nobody get to the stores. SPEAKER2: They would not go in? ALI: Nobody, because this is prayer time, for Friday. See? And nobody touch nothing. So nothing lost. SPEAKER2: So the people trust each other. ALI: That's right. When I came here, I saw even nighttime you see the policeman come in and try to open the door to see door open or locked. I told my brother, "What's the matter with this fellow? Crazy?" He say, "No." I say, "Why he try to open the door?" He say, "He wants to see if the door is open or closed because sometime somebody come and steal the door." SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: I don't believe that. I don't hear that before either. SPEAKER2: What about the scenery like, or the temperature and things like that, that was…? ALI: Yes, the temperature, we didn't have any… 10 below, 5 below… SPEAKER2: Snow or anything like that. ALI: I live there in over 25 years; I never snow in my life. The first time I saw snow I was in St. Johnsbury, Vermont; it's 1936, between 36, 35 in that… in this time of year, in January, because I came in May 1st in the wintertime. I was named Dr. Moore, he was living in my father's house, even in the three months, without 12 my father don't charge. Accident in his house tourist and I ring the bell to look for a room, and when he see me he remember me, but I don't remember him. I walk and he say, "You know Mr. so-and-so?" I say, "Yes." "He's American man." He says, "You know Mr. so-and-so?" And I say, "Yes." "How you know? You're not Arabian." He say, "No, I'm not Arabian. I'm American." I say, "Well, how you know these people?" He say, "Want to see the picture, too?" I say, "Yes." He bring inside; he went show me my father picture. SPEAKER2: Yeah? ALI: Yeah. I don't believe it. He say, "Your name Moussa?" I say, "That's right." He say, "Come in. Look for what you want." I say, "I'm looking for room." He say, "If I have no room, I'll give you my room, because I live in your father home three months he don't charge me a penny. Now you're gonna live in my house. I won't charge you nothing." I say, "No, mister, I'm gonna pay you." He say, "No, no, no pay." SPEAKER2: That's nice. ALI: I stay in his home and I drive the car. I saw somebody drive in pickup up down the river. SPEAKER2: You had seen cars before. ALI: I know I see cars. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: But I never see truck, pickup driving on top the river. I was thinking he gonna fall down. How driving the truck top of the water? I say, "This is not Jesus Christ." No truck float on top of the water. I use the horn, I use the horn, he don't pay attention to me; he think I'm drunk or crazy. And I think he's drunk or crazy or Jesus Christ. Would drive way down in the river, stop the car, lock the room and he went inside. I went and talked to Dr. Moore, I said, "I saw Jesus Christ today." He say, "Are you crazy, Mo?" I 13 say, "No. He drive the pickup the top of the river and the truck it don't drown." He say, "The water freeze." SPEAKER2: Ice, oh. ALI: I say, "Freeze? And it can hold the truck?" He say, "Sure." I say, "I don't believe it." He call his daughter and he call his wife, he say, "We have a crazy man who's gonna show me Jesus Christ." He drive me in his car, him and I and his wife and daughter. His daughter is school teacher. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: Went down there, I show him. He say, "You know what he's doing?" I say, "No." He say, "He's fishing. You have a hole…" SPEAKER2: Ice fishing, yeah. ALI: Ice fishing. I say, "How the water froze enough to hold the truck?" He say, "It can hold it tanks, never mind truck." It's first time and I don't believe my eyes. I was… give me million dollars, I won't walk in because I can't swim. SPEAKER2: [Laughs] ALI: This is first surprise in my life. If I go and tell all country I saw that, they think I'm crazy. SPEAKER2: All right. Did you notice difference in the people? Were they not as friendly as back home? ALI: Yes, yes. You have to… here, you have to watch your step in this country. No friendship either here. See? Especially when they know you're stranger, they're scared from you. See? Down there if you know a stranger, they hug you from all over. SPEAKER2: They give you lots of hug. ALI: Yeah, they give you lots of hug even, like I told you, you can stay in the home, three months, without ask you, "What's your name?" even. Just call you Miss or Mister or Uncle. In our country they have one thing is good I like very much maybe I'm… because I grew with this. Your age, you call her sister. Older than you, call 14 her auntie. They're old, call her mother. And men, they call brother, uncle or dad. See? Here, if you call old man "dad," he say, "I'm not dad." You have to call him young man. The old lady you have to call young lady. In our country, the old lady you can't call young lady. She get insulted; it means she's stupid, "I'm not young lady." The old man, if you call, in our country, "Hello, young man," he get insulted. He say, "I'm not young man. I'm old man." You have your respect. When you call them "dad," you have to respect him, mean you respect that man when you call him dad. But here you can't call man dad or uncle or brother or something; they laugh at you. SPEAKER2: Right. They don't understand. ALI: Now, here, I get habit; I call everybody cousin. See? Just call to Fitchburg, all over Fitchburg, say, "You know where, cousin?" I don't care boy, girl, man, woman. "Oh, yes, Mo. Right away." Because sometime I say cousin, they say, "I'm not your cousin." I say, "If you're not my cousin, you're my brother then." We are not the skin we are same thing. SPEAKER2: Right. ALI: They look at me they think I'm crazy. I don't care what they think. SPEAKER2: But you did find the people not as friendly here. ALI: Not friendly here, no. SPEAKER2: So were you sort of disappointed when you first came here? ALI: Not really disappointed but you get used to it after. Like now I don't care. SPEAKER2: No? ALI: But when you go home, you get lost just the same. You have to… you get lost. You have to back again, "Hi, Auntie." "Hi, Sister," "Hi, Dad." "Hi, Ma." SPEAKER2: You have to get readjusted.15 ALI: Yeah. "Hi, Mother." They look at you, look funny, just the same like you look at me here when I came funny. When I go there, they look me funny when I say to the lady I never say, "Hi, Mama." SPEAKER2: What was the first place that you lived in, south Boston? ALI: No. SPEAKER2: Up in Old Boston, would you say? ALI: No, I stay with my brother. He was behind state house. I forgot the name, the smallest street… SPEAKER2: In Boston? ALI: In Boston. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: It's close to the Tremont Street. SPEAKER2: So he helped take care of you… ALI: Yes. And after he took me to Old Orchard Beach in the summer, he opened a store for me. SPEAKER2: So he helped you. He was your only means of communication, right? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER2: You couldn't talk English and things like that. ALI: No, he hired… even he was the one hired the girls for me. See? SPEAKER2: Where did you go from there? ALI: Then I start salesman. SPEAKER2: Salesman? ALI: Salesman. That's why I say I went to St. Johnsbury, Vermont. I went to Vermont; I went to New Hampshire in the state of Maine, three states, all summer. And after, I don't like it. SPEAKER2: What were you selling? ALI: Dry goods. SPEAKER2: Yeah.16 ALI: I saw something here when you're salesman. Sometime rich people in Maine, New Hampshire, old lady, old man or somebody rich, you see a sign on the door, "No allowed salesman, bad luck and dog." I see the sign. I say, "Jesus Christ, if bad luck and dog same thing, I don't wanna be bad luck. I wanna be salesman." I give up. I went to Lawrence, Mass. I saw barber, they have two chairs. I'm not barber. I say, "The easy way and the clean way…" I say, his name Blanchard. I say, "You want to sell your shop?" "Is you a barber?" I say, "No." "Why you buy it?" I say, "I like it." I bought it $450, two chairs, 332 Broadway, and I named the barber, Brother Barbershop. And he say, "Well, how you're gonna cut the hair?" I say, "You can work for me." He said, "Ten dollars a day." I said, "I'll give you $10 a day." The first day he even gave me, I think, 7.50; that's all he give me. His business, that time was 40 cents haircut, 1940. And shave 25 cents and haircut 40 cents. Well, I'm not barber. I started pick up the kids from the street. I get trouble if they had to eat. I give the kid haircut and I gave him 10 cents. SPEAKER2: You gave him 10 cents? ALI: I gave him 10 cents because I wanna learn. SPEAKER2: Yeah. Oh, experimenting. ALI: Yeah, and after I finish, I let the barber finish it for me. SPEAKER2: Fix it up, yeah. ALI: And I watch him. The kid one day he tell his mother, because not one kid, you know. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: A lot of kid. Anyone kid come upon the street I call them, "Come on, cousin. Come on, honey." I cut his hair for nothing and I give you 10 cents to buy ice cream and the kid like ice cream. SPEAKER2: Yeah.17 ALI: One day, one kid he went tell his mother and his mother says, "Why?" She came, starts swear to me. "Why you give my son a haircut?" Well, I find only one way to make her stop to swear and mad and she thinks I'm a bad man, why give the kid a haircut and money beside. I say, "Honey, I come from Holy Land and I love kid, I have seven kids myself. And your son look like my son but I have no way to bring my children, and there's no reason one kid like my son I don't give him a haircut. There's no reason because I don't hurt him. I love him but I don't kiss him either, because I love to kiss him because he look like my son exactly." She say, "You have seven kids?" I say, "Yes, Ma'am. I have seven kids." No, I have three kids by right but I make big… SPEAKER2: Oh, you're telling a story. ALI: Tell a story to the lady. SPEAKER2: Oh, okay. ALI: Because she's mad, "Why you give my son a haircut?" SPEAKER2: And he didn't look like your son at all, did he? ALI: No. And then I say, "You want a cup of coffee?" She say, "No." I say, "Lady, I won't bite you. I'll guarantee you, the restaurant there is named Jack Joubert, 22 waitresses, he have big restaurant. I took her there. We have cup of coffee, we sit down talking. And she believed me and she like it and send me her husband. Before one year, I have 11 people work for me. SPEAKER2: Really? ALI: That's right. And I went get my licensed barber, too. He say, "What?" I say, "I'm a barber in our country. I get my license. SPEAKER2: [Unintelligible – 00:26:28] How did you…? You said you were talking English to these people. Did you just pick it up, English, bit by bit? ALI: Yeah, but not like now. SPEAKER2: No, you didn't go to school or anything.18 ALI: No, but I pick up from here and there, you know. Sometime they understand me; sometime they don't understand me. I don't know how I talk to them that time but I talk like this like I talk to you now in my idea. I mean, I hope you understand me. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: I try my best. SPEAKER2: Did you… what else did you do besides being a barber? Did you do anything else then? ALI: No, I just barber. And even in Lawrence, when they start fighting that war, I give my… this Saturday to every widow women in Lawrence. And widow, her son has been get killed. All my money belong to her, I give it to her. SPEAKER2: Every widow or…? ALI: Every widow. SPEAKER2: Honestly, all the money you made? ALI: All the money I make Saturday, I go to the Boston office, I give the money to the Boston office, and the Boston office split it between the widow women and her husband get killed in Lawrence, Mass. SPEAKER2: Oh, wow. ALI: I say, you can look to the Lawrence papers. I get to be with me even the paper sometime. See? I give to the widow. SPEAKER2: So you kept at that job. Did you ever do anything else besides that? That's… ALI: No, now I went to the army, American army. SPEAKER2: You went to the army? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER2: And how long did you serve? ALI: Ten and a half years. SPEAKER2: Ten and a half years? ALI: Ten and a half years in service.19 SPEAKER2: And what was your rank? ALI: Captain. SPEAKER2: Captain? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER2: Really? ALI: J2. SPEAKER2: J2? Gee. And then you came back and went into… ALI: And I came back here, I opened restaurant. SPEAKER2: Where was that? ALI: In Boston. SPEAKER2: Boston. ALI: Boston. I opened restaurant. And actually there was two Greek restaurant next to me, one here and one here, I was in middle. I started to go to Greek church and I studied Greek in newspaper. SPEAKER2: You did? You knew Greek? ALI: Yes. A little bit. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: And then my neighbor, he find out I'm not a Greek. He stand up from the door and he say, "He's a jerk. He's a Turk." And I went and ask him to become a… put him aside to beat him up. He called the policeman, station four, and policeman, they knew about me and I was work with him that time, too. CG2, detective, and I mess with him in [IG Salovon], the headman of PI was my friend and I work with him at El Barker, the hitman of Secret Service who work with President Roosevelt, if you remember, if you see in the papers. He went with President Roosevelt to King Saud, Abdul Aziz. See? Harry L. Barker, he went with him and he was my friend in Boston. See? And in a way and then they told him, "Forget, don't argue with him, don't bother Mo." He called me Mo. And I try to beat him up and he went with me and say to me, 20 "Ali, please. Don't touch him on sidewalk. Sidewalk is not belong to you." Well, he killed my business. SPEAKER2: Yeah. ALI: I say, "Okay." I went to Chinatown' I bought Chinese restaurant equipment. My hire he cook, Chinese cook, I hire dishwasher, I hire waiter, I hire condiment Chinese. And I opened that time till two o'clock in the morning, three o'clock, because every place in Boston, after one o'clock drunk, no place to go. SPEAKER2: Lonely, yeah. ALI: Yeah, and they come to my place and I open especially for that. I pick up all my business after that. And I hire somebody to write change in name, was that time Blue Mira Restaurant. I changed to Chinese Restaurant. And the man he came to change my name with a car, with high beam the light. He signed my name after three o'clock in the morning in my window. Next morning I turned to Chinese Restaurant in one night. And I started working downstairs. And the Chinese food, he tell me how you cut celery and onion, I start cut celery and onion. Six months I didn't go upstairs, just nighttime… SPEAKER2: You worked there yourself. ALI: I work myself. Supply the wine from the cellar. I walk in cooler, the food and the Chinese cook upstairs. The neighbor, the Greek fellow, he said, "You're a [unintelligible - 00:31:19] restaurant." He say, "Where is Mo?" "We know no Mo." "Where is Mo?" "No Mo. This is Chinese restaurant. That's all." He start coming eat in my restaurant. The fellow he was with, he call me Turk. After six months, I went upstairs, I fire the dishwasher. I started dishwashing. Six months again, the cook –/AT/jf/jc/ee
Part four of an interview with Musa Ali of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: What marriage customs are like in Saudi Arabia. How he feels about life in the U.S. His feelings about politics. ; 1 ALI: And after, they come in to the club. Remember, I told you about it before, the club. And they step there, there's the food, the mother, the boy, mother and father. Not the girl, mother and father – the boy, mother and father. The food in the house, they bring the food, see, into the club. Everybody eat. And after, when they finish to eat, son would wear-wear white towel and everybody start give, give money. SPEAKER 1: Give money. ALI: Money. No. SPEAKER 1: But you can't. ALI: No gift. Up to you – 50 cents, $10, $100, $3, how much you can afford it. And you give to this man and this man with big voice, "Thank you, girl. Thank you, Mo. Thank you, Mike. Thank you, J.R." And each one, how much he say, he-he say. SPEAKER 1: Thank you for the 50 cents? ALI: Fifty cents. Thank you for the $10. Thank you for $3. Thank you for-for 10 cents, because sometime kid, 10 years old, come in. He [unintelligible - 00:00:54]. "Thank you Mr. so and so," and make even more big name, little one, see. And, uh, the money belong to the boy. And after 9 o'clock at night, they go pick up the girls from her mother and father home. They bring her to the close friend to her husband, or the father. the, her father-in-law. They stay there and they bring the girl same thing. They give her present. All the women give the girl present, see. And after the special limit and the girls go out and the boy walk into the girl, his wife. And that night, they stay together. Everyone talk about it. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: And after, next morning, you see the girl, everything, virgin or not. If she's a virgin, she stay. If not virgin, send her back to her mother and father. SPEAKER 1: They can send her back? 2 ALI: That's right. She gets killed. SPEAKER 1: She gets killed? ALI: That's right. She has to tell who is the man. SPEAKER 1: If she tells who the man is. ALI: She had to. She had to. SPEAKER 1: Otherwise, she gets killed? Or she gets killed anyway? ALI: She gets killed and her boyfriend gets killed. They both. SPEAKER 1: Still? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: That's legal? ALI: Legal. That's why you go down there, any girl if she live even 50 years, she is miss. Here, 14 years old, no. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] ALI: You know. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I know what you mean. ALI: We can't talk about it. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, I know what you mean. ALI: See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: And if everything okay. because even the boy mother and the girl mother, they have to go together. The girl sister and the boy sister, the girl aunt and the boy aunt get to be both side female. Sometime, the boy don't have no mother. He have aunt. The girl aunt, she have to bring her aunt. The boy do not have sister. They bring sister, the girl sister. They both have to be same, you know. SPEAKER 1: Rank, type thing. ALI: Yeah, and bring the girl, examine the girl. If everything okay, they stay the next morning. Next morning, after, the mother and father, both give you present again. Your mother and father and the boy mother and father give the girl present. And you go for the honeymoon. 3 SPEAKER 1: Otherwise you get killed. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Still, huh? That's strange. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Wow, that's. any other customs, things that you miss? The weddings are not like that now that you go to, not in this country at least. It's not, definitely not legal. ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: You know, you can't. ALI: See, the first wedding I saw in my life. because I don't like to go to the wedding because you have to drink, see. I'll never forget it, to change the subject. I once go with a girl, Lebanese girl, in Boston. She work in a radio. She could sing, have beautiful voice, and I like good time. I love good time. I can walk a hundred miles just to enjoy myself, like I told you when I go have dinner. I like to go to opera and listen. I love a good time. And I was go with her over three years, that girl. And she's Catholic, too. One day, her birthday coming. She say, "Mo, now, today my birthday. I want you to come to my birthday." [Unintelligible - 00:04:18] see. I want to give her present. "No, you have to come give me present in front of everybody because you're my boyfriend." Jesus Christ! What am I going to do? I have to take my brother and my cousin with me, the three of us together because I feel ashamed to go alone. We went together with a lot of people. And everybody drink. And the Lebanese drink arak. I don't know if you understand that. SPEAKER 1: Adac? ALI: Arak. This white whiskey like vodka. It's strong, 100 proof. Everybody drink arak because Lebanese they love that even for dinner. You have to drink a glass of arak before you eat, see. "Mo, drink. I'm your girlfriend." "Honey, I can't drink." "Drink 4 beer." "I can't drink." "Wine." "I can't drink nothing." "Smoke." "I can't smoke." "Dance." "I can't dance." SPEAKER 1: Dance is against your religion, too? ALI: No, I love dance but. SPEAKER 1: You don't know how? ALI: I feel ashamed. I don't know how to dance. I went to school here when I came to Fitchburg. SPEAKER 1: A dance school? ALI: Dance school. SPEAKER 1: Rice, Marion Rice? ALI: No. One there. I forgot their name. She live behind State Teacher College. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I don't remember. ALI: She move from here now. And her husband don't like it. Her husband, he don't like me to dance with her because she take me to her home, private lesson. SPEAKER 1: Oh, private lessons. Yeah. ALI: See? And her husband don't like it. I say, "Honey, what." She say, "Mo, I'm sorry. I come sometime." She come and start teach me. And after. I love to dance. If I find somebody teach me now, honest to god, I will go. But not somebody I know. Somebody I know, my feet start to go like this, like rubber. I feel ashamed, see. And she give me. I say, "Give me a glass of water," to my girlfriend. She's [unintelligible - 00:06:10]. Her father big lawyer in Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Yeah. I say, "Give me glass of water, white water." SPEAKER 1: So it looks like. ALI: It look like arak. She carries the food. She give me glass. There was beer in it and it is not washed. When I put in my mouth, I get sick. 5 SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes. And I would drink the beer but. it smelled like beer but was not washed, not clean, see. You see, dishes I wash myself here because I know what I do, see. And I get sick three weeks. SPEAKER 1: Because of that? ALI: That's right. Everything I eat, come out. That's right. Since that time, I don't like to go to some party. SPEAKER 1: And you didn't see that girlfriend again? ALI: No, we break up. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. I was going to say. I know you have a newspaper and stuff like that, so you at least keep in touch that way with the Arabic newspaper. You can read the news in your own language and things like that. ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Do you have any books? Do you read any books that are still Arabic? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: You can get hold of.? ALI: Yes. I show my library. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You buy books and things like that? ALI: No, no, American library. I'm going to open American library in old country. SPEAKER 1: Oh, you are? ALI: Yes. When you stop it, I'll show you. SPEAKER 1: So you have books at least. ALI: Yes. I love library. I love books. I love to meet somebody, talk different subject because I like to learn something. SPEAKER 1: Did you ever think of going back to school maybe? Or going to school? ALI: I like to do it if I find somebody to teach me slowly, then I learn. I love to go. I went two years to night school here in Leominster 6 High School. But after I met a lot of people, I quit. They say, "Jesus Christ, Mo, shame on you. Big man like you go to school?" I say, "I want to learn." SPEAKER 1: Yeah, you should keep going anyway. ALI: I feel ashamed. SPEAKER 1: You shouldn't. You should go. I mean, that's really good that you want it, at least. Do you miss a lot of the people back home or.? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: But now, after 39 years. SPEAKER 1: You have new friends. ALI: Yeah. And I tell you now, when I went to this trip, honest I do not know not much people. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Just family or.? ALI: Just family and old boys and girls. I don't know them. They have to introduce themselves, "You know my father, Mr. so and so. You know my mother, Mrs." "Oh, yes." [Unintelligible - 00:08:38] I get lost. I don't know them. Even my real cousin, I don't know until they introduce themselves to me, see. You know, 39 years I'm here. When I go there, I stay one month, 20 days, 45 days, see. I come back. I don't have no time to learn. And down there like you see here, everybody invites you. Everybody invites you. And they fight. "You have to come to my house. You have to come to my house." If you say no, you insult them. Like Arabian custom, they have bad habit. If you come to my house, you have to eat. You have to drink. If you can't eat, at least have a cup of coffee. Have a cup of tea. Have a glass of milk. Have ginger ale. If you don't have, you insult me, see. You have to. 7 Now, my nephew, you see, he want to take me tomorrow and take me Saturday. "No, I don't want it two days." SPEAKER 1: But you are insulting him then? ALI: But no, I said once. I say, "I go with you once." SPEAKER 1: Oh, you go with him once? ALI: I say, "I told you I'll go tomorrow." SPEAKER 1: Oh, okay. That makes it better, I suppose. ALI: You have to go, see. SPEAKER 1: What were some of the things that you enjoyed most about your life here, the new things? Like maybe you had more freedom or things like that? ALI: Here, like I say. freedom, yes. Not over there. Down there, you never see men put their leg on top of each other. SPEAKER 1: Cross his legs? No? ALI: No, because now, I sit down here, see and you sit down here. I put my feet like that, right? All right, you sit down here. Me, I insult you. You're just nothing, only like my sole. SPEAKER 1: Oh, I see. ALI: See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: When it happen to me in Vermont, Montpelier, Vermont. I told you when I was [unintelligible - 00:10:32]. I went to some store, I sold them oriental rugs, 9 x 12, and I got my license, $50 they charge me. The state. I thought that state meant state, every place. But by the law, no. The state, only in the highway. The city different, the town different. I don't know that. When I get the license, Montpelier, the capital, I went to Main Street. Even I bought three suit because you see I don't have no money, the first customer. I say, "I buy clothes from you. Make it three." I took three suit, three shoes, three shirts, unique tie from them. I say, "Make it three." I sold the rugs. I took all the stuff. I make a 8 profit of $20 besides, see. When I walk out, two policemen coming. One hold my arm, one hold my arm and carry my suitcase, took me to the jail. Down there, the court always the judge wear black. Down there in Montpelier, Vermont, when they took me to the court, old men fight, spit coming in his lips here, and he put his feet in front of my face like this. SPEAKER 1: Really? On the table? ALI: On the table. I was down there and he's down here and he put his feet close to my face. I grab his feet and throw them down. Old man, he fall down and break his hip. They took him to the hospital. The policeman right away pick me up, put me in jail with the. SPEAKER 1: Handcuffs? ALI: No. Steel in the window. SPEAKER 1: Oh, bars. ALI: Bars. He say, "That man is crazy. He hit the judge." See, I'm a man. You don't have to put. his feet is not familiar to me. My brother look for me for dinner. No, 6 o'clock. I mean, 3 o'clock, 4 o'clock, 5 o'clock, 6 o'clock. No more. He had to call the policeman. He say, "Maybe this man is a crazy man." "What do you mean crazy man? How he look?" He told him. He say, "That's him." He came. He say, "What are you doing?" I said, "You know, look, they put me here." And I can't speak much English that time either. SPEAKER 1: Right. Yeah. ALI: He say, "What you done?" I told him. "One old buck son of a gun." I was swearing like a devil. "He foot almost close to my nose. I'm not a mat. He should put his feet in the floor, get to be, you know." SPEAKER 1: Right on the floor. 9 ALI: "Right flat in the floor like a gentleman." He say, "No, this not your country. This is American country." Now, I don't care. I go to lawyer sometime. Him and I, we talk together. He put his feet like this. "Blah, blah, blah, blah." SPEAKER 1: It's hard to get used to these things. ALI: You get used to it. SPEAKER 1: Oh, yeah, I could see. It gets you in a lot of trouble, especially like getting thrown in jail. ALI: And this country, we are most [unintelligible - 00:13:34] you know, and my brother [unintelligible - 00:13:39], see. And the judge was [unintelligible - 00:13:43] and mother was [unintelligible - 00:13:45]. They are brothers. "You see, well this, you know, this man is a young fellow. He's a crazy man. [Unintelligible - 00:13:54] He say, "No, you are dismissed. Just pay $28 fine." SPEAKER 1: Oh, geez. ALI: I pay through my brother the $28 fine and he take me out. I never throw no man no more then. SPEAKER 1: What were some other things that you liked? Things like TV and stuff like that, that must have been something different, right? ALI: Well, honey, the TV just now. But in my time, they have no TV, even not radio. SPEAKER 1: No? ALI: No. Now, we have TV just exactly like here. Only naturally, the people, the act is different. They speak a different language, see. Just like here. Sometimes, you see Spanish, see. SPEAKER 1: But you think you have more privileges as being an American citizen or. like you said, you probably have more freedom, things like. well, voting, you must have had. ALI: Here? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. 10 ALI: Yes, here. there is more freedom here. You can say what you like to say. When I run for mayor, I sit down in the city hall, Fitchburg City Hall, I call the mayor anything I want in two radio station, WFGL and WEIM. I was in the middle and Mayor George Burton, our representative, he was in front of me and John [unintelligible - 00:15:07] was next to me. I talk anything I want against him, see. And nobody can say nothing to me. SPEAKER 1: Because you're their equal. ALI: That's right. I'm American citizen. I'm a taxpayer, see. Any way they look at me, I'm there – American citizen, taxpayer, city man. I live in here 22 years now, see. SPEAKER 1: How long have you lived in this place now? Three years, right here? ALI: I think more than three years. Yeah. I built it. SPEAKER 1: You built this house? ALI: Yes. It was two houses here. I throw them out. I bring this truck, push them, throw them in the. they have brook here, see. And I build this house. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yeah, because I like to be alone. I don't want nobody bother me because, you know, when you work for the government, you get a lot of trouble. I told you a while ago about what happened in Boston, see. When I came here, I say, "I don't want nobody, just guest." Like now, you and I, we're talking. I don't have to be worried. We don't have to insult nobody. We don't have to go under order. "You have to do this. You have to do that." See? A lot of trouble! This way, I say, "I'm here. Shut the door. Leave my dog loose and nobody come. If somebody use the phone, I'm not here." If you're not here, you won't see no light here. I say, "I'll watch TV until I fall asleep." And I go to bed. I open the radio – when you're not here. When you're here, we're talking. I 11 like company, somebody talking. At least, when your mouth busy, your mind relax. You know that. SPEAKER 1: That's true. ALI: When your mouth close, your mind working, see. I like to have company but I won't invite any person either, because when you mix with low, you don't have nothing to learn. You have to mix with somebody smart more than you to learn something. SPEAKER 1: Does that mean I'm smarter than you are? [Laughs] ALI: You're smart. SPEAKER 1: [Laughs] Oh, I don't know. I don't agree with you but, yeah, I can see your point. You can learn something from just about everybody. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: So you had your own like newspapers and magazines. Did you have a radio station or anything like that? ALI: Yes, just Sunday. SPEAKER 1: Just on Sunday? In Arabic? ALI: Yes, in Boston. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? Does it still exist now? ALI: Yes. Nine o'clock in the morning. SPEAKER 1: And those are on your native language. Did you have any trouble reading English or do you. can you read English that well now? ALI: I read English but some words I don't understand. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, bigger words, yeah. But you do. you know, pretty well, right? ALI: If you read all the sentence sometime, you get the idea. SPEAKER 1: Right, yeah. But you're self-taught really, too. ALI: Oh, I teach myself. SPEAKER 1: Yeah, that's something. Do you have any political. so you've talked about how involved you are in politics – do you have any political preference? Do you belong to a certain party? 12 ALI: Before, I was in Democrat Party, until Mr. Kennedy [unintelligible - 00:18:19] politics. One Arabian girl in Boston, she call him up by phone. She say, "Why, you [unintelligible - 00:18:28] against the Arabs?" He wrote her a letter. He say, "[Unintelligible - 00:18:35] to Washington to clean all the Arab, to kill all the Arabs." SPEAKER 1: President Kennedy? ALI: That's right. No, not president. SPEAKER 1: Oh, senator. ALI: Senator, yeah, which we have now. And the girl, actually she's Arabian. He thought she's a Jewish. And she in touch with me. And I get the letter and his signature. I took to Fitchburg Sentinel and he refuse to print for me. I say, "How much you want? I'll pay." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. He wouldn't publish it. ALI: He wouldn't publish it. I went to [unintelligible - 00:19:14] telegram. [Dave] Martin, do you know him? SPEAKER 1: No, but I. ALI: He's the manager. SPEAKER 1: Manager? ALI: I say, "Cousin, I'll pay all you want, just take the letter, put in a paper." SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: "You can't deny that is his signature." He say, "Jesus Christ, I know." I say, "I'm not [unintelligible - 00:19:33]. I'm not Democrat, I'm Republican." SPEAKER 1: Oh, you changed about that. You didn't get it published in any paper? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: This is a Kennedy statement. ALI: That's right. 13 SPEAKER 1: So that really changed your. are you active now or.? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: Are you still Republican? ALI: No. I'm changed now to independent. I have. SPEAKER 1: Political situation up to. so you're not really an active member anymore? ALI: No. See, I have a mail sent. I have from government. SPEAKER 1: Sergeant? ALI: No. Sergeant once work for me. SPEAKER 1: Sergeant worked for you? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Where was this? ALI: In the hotel. SPEAKER 1: Oh, really? ALI: As a waiter. SPEAKER 1: He was a waiter? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Really? That's nice. [Laughs] ALI: I have a letter from Governor. in Texas. What's his name? Reagan. SPEAKER 1: Reagan? ALI: Yeah, he writes to me. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Geez. So you're just independent and you're not that active anymore? You try to keep out of politics? ALI: No, I only try to keep out. SPEAKER 1: Yes, that's probably the same thing. So after you lived here for a while, you went back a couple times or did you write back to the people back home? Did you ever encourage people to come here to live? Did you.?14 ALI: No, [unintelligible - 00:20:57] no because. SPEAKER 1: They were happier there. ALI: If we work over there, much work in here. We make money more for them, more in here, see. If we sacrifice our time, like what we do is sacrifice here. we are down there, we happy more we are here. At least down there, nobody call you damn foreigner. I don't care what you do in here. They call me damn foreigner, see. When I ask even the chief of police here, when he call me that word, I say, "Why your face black, mister?" He say, "I'm not black." I say, "Look to your face, black." He say, "I'm Irishman." I say, "Thank god, you're Irishman." He say, "Why?" I say, "At least, the Arabs, we have a language. The Irish don't have no language." The judge kick me out, see. Then he's a foreigner, too. When he say, "I'm Irish," I say, "Thank god, you're Irishman. At least, I have a language. You have no language and you are damn foreigner, too, mister." The judge kick me out. Here, I don't care what you do, honey, still when they get mad on you. SPEAKER 1: You're still a foreigner. ALI: They call you foreigner. But by the United States Constitution, we're all foreigner. But we don't like this word, call you damn foreigner. I know I'm foreigner but I don't like somebody call me damn foreigner. I'm just like. SPEAKER 1: You've got the rights of the rest of us. ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. So you never encouraged any of your relatives or friends to come over here? ALI: No. SPEAKER 1: No. Would you ever consider going back there to live? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? You think you will? ALI: Yes, yes. If I stay there, I have more property, I have 34 stores. 15 SPEAKER 1: In.? ALI: In Palestine. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: That's right. I have two factories, blacksmith factories, and I have tiles to the floor. And tile factory, not like what we have tile here. Down there, cement tile, one inch think, the cement and they have a design. When you put it in the floor. I wish I got a picture to show you. When you put it in the floor, you could just swear to god, they are oriental rugs. SPEAKER 1: Really? ALI: Yes. And you could wash it, you wash it, you wash it, never fade because mixed with the cement. It's a cement tile. It's 1 inch thick, 9 inches square. I have a factory down there. I have [unintelligible - 00:23:32] stores, four apartment. I have two houses besides that – one house, five apartment, one house, four apartment. If I collect the rent, I'm happy down there. SPEAKER 1: So you've got really everything going for you back there? ALI: That's right. SPEAKER 1: And you think you will probably go back? ALI: Yes. SPEAKER 1: Yeah? ALI: Now, I hope. this week, I sold one building here, $300,000, in Fitchburg. Yeah, this week it can be sold. In [unintelligible - 00:24:02] I'll take it to market myself. No interest. I don't want no interest. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. Yeah, I can see that. ALI: I think I told you before. No interest and you pay me like the bank monthly. You pay me $500 a month, 15 years, see. I could live in $500 a month alone. I'm not. I'm not expensive man, do drinking and go to party. I don't do that, see. I could live just in one building alone. Forget the hotel. Forget the restaurant and 16 different property. I have house. I sold two houses, one in Franklin Street, one Westminster Street, see. I have house in Summer Street. I have house in Pleasant Street, see. I sell them and I take the mortgage. No bank. You pay me by monthly fee and send me check. You don't have to see me. I don't have to see you. Send me check every month. You have a book and I have a book, you know, record, see. SPEAKER 1: Do you think that your life has worked out better for you here than it would have in your native land or.? ALI: No, I can't do it if I stayed there. Politics is dirty, see. I can't help it. I'm a man. I like to be freedom. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. You like to say what you feel. ALI: I like to say. if I say, "I like you," I say, "I like you." If I don't like you, I say, "I don't like you," face to face. But this is against me. If I tell you in face, "I like you," as soon you turn your back, I start to talk about you. That's against me. I can't say that. I believe my opinion and what I believe in my heart. If I don't like you, I say in your face, I don't like you. SPEAKER 1: Not behind my back. ALI: In your back, if somebody ask me, "How's the girl?" I say, "She's a good girl. She is wonderful." I never say nothing bad, because human being is funny. Never repeat the same word. I don't know if I told you that story, one man he had four children. His wife, she cook him two eggs every single day – hard boiled eggs. The human being, I don't know if you know that, two kind. Some of us, if you work hard, you eat more. Some of us, if you work hard, more appetite. This man, his kind if he work hard, no appetite. She give him everyday two eggs. One day, that day, some day, you know, one day, he hit the trees. He's a woodcutter. That time, no coal, no gas. You have to cook hot water, everything by wood. When he cut the trees that day, he come in hardwood. He can't cut 17 it fast. He's wear out his arm tight. He went home, he eat one egg, he left one egg. Now, as soon as he went home, he throw himself in the floor. That time, no mattress, no bed, a long time ago. One egg roll from his pocket. At 2 o'clock in the morning, his wife she [unintelligible - 00:27:25] put that wood, tell the donkey to go to the city, sell [unintelligible - 00:27:30]. Then she went back to bed, wake up in the morning, she took the blanket, throw the blanket, she find the egg. She say, "Aha! He have a girlfriend, my husband." Yesterday, he didn't meet his girlfriend. That's why he left the eggs in his pocket." See? SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: Every day, when he come back from work, sell the wood then come back, see, until the next morning. Now, he got up. He didn't want to go to cut wood again. She comes say, "Honey, don't feel bad. Someday we have four children and someday they're going to be big boys, help you and help me. We don't have to work our life." You know. That day, he come in and say, "Have I anything to eat, honey?" "Don't honey me. You know what you get in your house. Go ahead and eat." "Geez, what happened to you? You changed." "Don't talk to me anymore. Don't bother me." "Honey, I'm not god. Just tell me what's your trouble." She say, "I'll tell you what's your trouble. I'm not enough for you? So why?" She say, "Yesterday, you don't meet your girlfriend. You don't give her the eggs. Huh? You have girlfriend beside me. Why don't you divorce me?" He laugh. The man was smart enough. He laugh. She say, "Why are you laughing?" He say, "Did you hear the rooster, he lay one egg a year?" Maybe you hear that story. The rooster always. like impossible. He say the rooster he lay one egg a year. She say, "Yes, I hear that." "Is the rooster male or female?" She say, "Male." He say, "Man, male or female?" She say, "Male." He say, "What's the difference? 18 Every male, he lay egg a year." She say, "Why didn't you lay before?" He say, "Before, I come lay wood. This time, I come lay egg. I can't help it. That's all." [Unintelligible - 00:29:25] Poor lady, she believe it. She smile to him and she cook for him and make dinner, but she can't wait. She went to tell her mother. "Mommy, my husband lay big egg like this." "This here eggs? They're chicken eggs, not." The mother say, "Crazy." "No, mommy. I pick it up with my hand, mommy." Her mother told her daughter. "You know, your brother-in-law can lay two eggs, eggs like this." The girls natural when they go in the old country, they have no city water. You have to go four or five miles to bring water, on the top of the head. You maybe see that picture. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: No, I don't have any here. SPEAKER 1: Yeah. ALI: See? They carry the water. They tell each other. They went to the judge, to the court. "The man lay 99 eggs a day." In that time, he collect the tax, [unintelligible - 00:30:27] every ninth, the government take one tenth, see. The judge he get 99. He can't take 10. You have to make hundred until he get 10 eggs. He sent the policeman after this man. He say, "Mister, you steal the government." He say, "What?" He say, "You lay eggs, a hundred eggs a day. You didn't give the government tax." The man laughed. He say, "Judge, you crazy? You drunk?" "Why?" "I can't lay eggs." He say, "Yes, you lay eggs, hundred eggs a day." [Unintelligible - 00:31:09] and he tell me the story, "I have four kids and [unintelligible - 00:31:11]." "Listen, I know you're poor. You have big family to support." He say, "We forget what past. But tomorrow morning, don't knock my door. Leave 10 eggs behind my door. I have breakfast, me and my children." Ten eggs because tenth of the hundred. The man smiled. He say, 19 "Judge, please listen to me, and say what you want after." He say, "What?" He say such and such story, "I lie to my wife because I can't take care of her four children. I lie to her to please her. If she break my house, she's going to leave me and I can't cook for the kids, I can't give bath to kids. I lie to her just to keep her happy. I say one egg a year like a rooster." The judge start thinking, "Could be because no man lay./AT/mb/ee
ÖZET10 Kasım 1938 tarihinde Mustafa Kemal Atatürk'ün hayatını kaybetmesi ile bir-likte Cumhurbaşkanı olan İsmet İnönü ülke yönetiminde en yetkili kişi haline gelmiştir. İnönü'nün CHP ve ülke yönetimindeki adete tek kişilik hakimiyeti ( Milli Şef ) Celal Bayar başta olmak üzere dönemin CHP'li milletvekili ve yöneticilerinde tepkiye neden olmuştur. Bir şahsın parti ve ülke yönetimindeki hakimiyetine İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın da etkisiyle halkın büyük çoğunluğunda oluşan ekonomik sıkıntının ve iktidarın halkın muhafazakarlığı ile çelişen eğitim ve sosyal alanlardaki uygulamaları CHP ve dışındaki siyasi çevrelerde ve halkın büyük bir bölümünde muhalif bir tutumun oluşmasına neden olmuştur. Bu süreç hükümetin birtakım radikal uygulamaları ile birlikte örgütlü bir mu-halif hareketin doğmasına neden olmuştur. Yukarıda belirtilen nedenlerden kaynaklanan ve açıktan açığa bir söylem ve ey-leme dönüşmeyen CHP milletvekillileri içindeki bireysel tavırlar ilk defa Çiftçiyi Top-raklandırma Kanunu teklifi sırasında ortaya çıkmıştır. CHP milletvekilleri Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü ve Refik Koraltan, 14 Mayıs 1945 tarihinde bu kanun teklifinin TBMM'de görüşülmeye başlaması ile birlikte hükümetin bu uygulamasına karşı tavırlarını yaptıkları konuşmalar ile ortaya koymuşlardır. Fakat esasen bu kanun tasarısının TBMM'ye sunulmasından önce CHP içinde muhalif bir grubun oluşması Tevfik Rüştü Aras'ın evinde yapılan perşembe toplantılarıyla başlamıştır. 1945 yılının Nisan ayından itibaren Tevfik Rüştü Aras'ın evinde bir araya gelen Emin Sazak, Adnan Menderes ve Fuat köprülü CHP'nin, İsmet İnönü'nün otoritesi altında olduğunu ifade etmişler ve bu durumu değiştirmek gerektiği üzerinde durmuşlardır. İkinci defa bir ara-ya gelen Adnan Menderes ve Fuat Köprülü demokratik bir merkez oluşturma konusun-da görüş birliğine varmışlardır. Daha sonraki toplantılara Refik Koraltan da katılmıştır. Adnan Menderes, partide ve toplum içinde etkili olan Celal Bayar'ı bu gruba katmak gerektiğini açıklamıştır. Celal Bayar ile yapılan toplantı sonunda o da gruba dahil ol-muştur. Grup üyeleri 18 Mayıs 1945 tarihinde yapılan toplantıda CHP Meclis Grubuna vermeyi düşündükleri Dörtlü Takriri hazırlamışlardır.Takrir verilmeden önce TBMM'de 1945 yılı devlet bütçesinin oylamasına katı-lan üç yüz yetmiş üç milletvekilinden İzmir Milletvekili Celal Bayar, Aydın Milletve-kili Adnan Menderes, İçel Milletvekili Refik Koraltan, Kars Milletvekili Fuat Köprülü ve Eskişehir Milletvekili Emin Sazak bütçeye karşı aleyhte oy kullanmışlardır. Cumhu-riyet Dönemi'nde ilk defa bir bütçeye karşı aleyhte oy kullanılmıştır. Böylece muhalif tavırlarını ikinci defa ortaya koymuşlardır. Grup üyeleri 7 Haziran 1945 tarihinde Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü ve Refik Koraltan'ın imzası ile Dörtlü Takrir'i CHP Meclis Grubu Başkanlığı-na vererek muhalif tutumlarını somutlaştırmışlardır. Takrirde CHP'nin işleyişinin de-mokratik ilkelere uygun hale getirilmesini ve TC. Anayasası'nda var olan vatandaş hak ve hürriyetlerinin tanınması talep etmişlerdir. Bu takrir 12 Haziran 1945 tarihinde CHP Meclis Grubu'nda görüşülmüş ve red-dedilmiştir. Takririn reddedilmesi ile birlikte devam eden süreçte bu kadronun CHP içinde siyaset yapma imkanı kalmadığı gibi takrirde talep edilen bir düzenin kurulma-sının CHP içinde mücadele edilerek olamayacağı ortaya çıkmıştır. Takririn, CHP Meclisi Grubuna verildiği günlerde Cumhurbaşkanı İsmet İnönü, Rauf Orbay ile görüşmüş yeni parti kurulması fikrini ona açmıştır. Bu görüşmeden, İnönü'nün yaptığı diğer konuşmalardan cesaret alan grup üyelerine karşı CHP'li yöne-tici ve milletvekillerinin olumsuz tavrı, partinin yayın organı Ulus gazetesindeki ağır sözlerle dolu yazılar grup üyelerinin CHP'den ayrılmalarına neden olmuştur. Zaten Adnan Menderes ve Fuat Köprülü Vatan gazetesinde yayınlanan yazıları nedeniyle CHP Divanı tarafından 25 Eylül 1945 tarihinde CHP'den ihraç edilmişlerdir. Diğer isimlerde istifa etmişlerdir. Partisiz kalan grup üyeleri parti kurma çalışmalarına başla-mışlar ve Demokrat Parti 7 Ocak 1946 tarihinde resmen kurulmuştur. Demokrat Parti, Dörtlü Takrir'in imzacıları: Celal Bayar, Adnan Menderes, Fuat Köprülü ve Refik Koraltan tarafından kurulmuştur. Demokrat Parti'nin simgesi "DP", genel merkezi ise Antalya Milletvekili Cemal Tunca'nın Ankara Sümer Sokaktaki sekiz numaralı binası olmuştur. Demokrat Parti'nin kuruluş gerekçesinde ve programında Türkiye'de demok-ratik bir rejimin kurulacağı, TC Anayasası'nda demokrasiye aykırı kanunların kaldırı-lacağı, vatandaşların hak ve hürriyetlerinin anayasal teminat altına alınacağı dile geti-rilmiştir. Muhalefet yıllarında ise CHP ve iktidar demokratik olmayan tutum ve davra-nışlar sergilemekle itham edilmiştir. Muhalefet yıllılarında iki parti arasında demokra-siye aykırı birçok olay yaşanmıştır. Hatta 7 Ocak 1947 tarihinde gerçekleşen Demokrat Parti Birinci Genel Kongresi'nde kabul edilen Hürriyet Misakı'nda TC Anayasası'na aykırı olan kanunların kaldırılması ve demokrasiye uygun kanunların yapılması talep edilmiştir. Bu istekler yerine getirilmez ise Demokrat Parti Genel Yönetim Kurulu'na sine-i millet kararı ( TBMM'den çekilme ) hakkı verilmiştir. Demokrat Parti yönetici-leri iktidara gelmeleri halinde vatandaşlara hak ve hürriyetlerinin tanınacağı, demokra-siye aykırı kanunların kaldırılacağı ve TC Anayasası'nın demokrasiye uyumlu hale ge-tirileceği sözlerini vermişlerdir. 14 Mayıs 1950 seçim faaliyetlerinde aynı vaatler tekrarlanmıştır. Hatta 2 Nisan 1950 tarihinde Kasımpaşa'da konuşan Demokrat Parti Genel Başkanı Celal Bayar, grev hakkının demokratik hak olduğunu ve demokrasinin olduğu ülkelerdeki gibi toplumsal düzene ve ekonomiye zarar vermeyecek biçimde işçilere grev hakkının verileceğini ifa-de etmiştir. Seçimleri kazanan Demokrat Parti adına Adnan Menderes 22 Mayıs 1950 tarihinde hükümeti kurmuş ve 29 Mayıs 1950 tarihinde hükümet programı TBMM'de onaylanmıştır.Hükümet programında partinin seçim beyannamesinde olduğu gibi iktidar deği-şikliğinin ülkede maddi ve manevi hiçbir sarsıntıya yol açmasına imkan tanınmayacağı ve özellikle devri sabık yaratılmayacağı vurgulanmıştır. Programda, TC Anayasası'nda vatandaş hak ve hürriyetlerine ve millet iradesine dayanan kararlı bir devlet düzeninin gerçekleşmesini sağlayacak düzenlemelerin yapılacağı ifade edilmiştir. Ayrıca CHP hükümetlerinden ( tek parti dönemi ) kalan, demokratik olmayan kanunların, alışkan-lıkların ve anlayışların değiştirileceği vurgulanmıştır. Programda, işçilere grev hakkının sosyal ve ekonomik düzeni bozmayacak şekilde tanınacağı açıklanmıştır. Demokrat Parti İktidarı Programı'nda sadece vatandaşlara tanınacak haklar yer almamıştır. Ayrıca o tarihlerde azınlıkta olsa da bazıları tarafından hak olarak görülen faaliyetlerin yasaklanacağı da yer almıştır. Cumhuriyet'in ve inkılapların korunması için aşırı sol akımlara ( komünizm ) izin verilmeyeceği ve bunlarla etkin bir biçimde müca-dele edileceği ifade edilmiştir. Bunlara karşı kanuni tedbirlerin alınacağı çünkü bu tür düşüncelerin günün şartlarında fikir ve vicdan hürriyeti olarak görülmediği vurgulan-mıştır. Bu fikir akımların hürriyet maskesi altında yayın yapmalarına izin verilmeyeceği çünkü bu düşünce akımlarının amacının özgürlükleri ortadan kaldırmak olduğu iddia edilmiştir. Komünizm fikir akımının yanı sıra irticai hareketlere de asla müsaade edil-meyeceği vurgulanmıştır. Demokrat Parti Dönemi'nde iktidarın sivil toplum kuruluşları ile ilişkilerine özetlemeden önce sivil toplumun örgütü tanımını yapmak yerinde olacaktır. Sivil top-lum kavramı farklı biçimlerde tanımlanan bir kavramdır. Özellikle devlet ile sivil top-lum arasındaki ilişki farklı tanımlamalara neden olmaktadır. Bu tanımlardan bazılarında sivil toplum, devletten tamamen bağımsız, devleti kontrol eden ve hatta devletin alter-natifi olan örgütlü bir güç olarak tarif edilmiştir. Diğer tanımlarda ise devlet ile sivil toplum arasında bu kadar keskin bir ayrılığın olmadığı, sivil toplumun devlete top-lumsal katılımı sağlama amacının var olduğu ileri sürülmüştür. Modern anlamda sivil toplum kavramı "Non Govern Mental Organizations" ( devletten bağımsız örgütlen-meler ) olarak tanımlamasının yanı sıra "gönüllü kuruluşlar", "kar amacı gütmeyen ku-ruluşlar" gibi ifadelerle de tanımlanmaktadır. Sivil toplum tanımını yaptıktan sonra Demokrat Parti iktidarları öncesi sivil toplum örgütlenmesine devletin müdahalesinin ne zaman kaldırıldığına kısaca yer verelim. Türkiye'de 28 Haziran 1938 tarihinde yürürlüğe giren 3512 sayılı Cemiyetler Kanunu ile Osmanlı Devleti döneminden kalma 1909 tarih ve 121 sayılı Cemiyetler Kanun'u ve bu kanunda yapılan 353 ve 387 sayılı kanunlar yürürlükten kalkmıştır. Bu kanunun dokuzuncu maddesinin h bendiyle "aile, sınıf, ırk, cins" esasına dayalı der-neklerin kurulması yasaklanmıştır. Bu madde ile sendika ve birçok derneğin kurulması yasaklanmıştır. Bu kanunun kabul gerekçesinde, o dönem de bazı ülkelerde var olan ko-münist ve faşist rejimlerin ülkenin yönetimin ele geçirmesini önlemek olduğu ileri sü-rülmüştür. İsmet İnönü'nün 10-11 Mayıs 1946 tarihinde CHP Kurultayı'nda yaptığı konuşmadan sonra 5 Haziran 1946 tarihinde 4919 sayılı Kanun ile dernek kurma işle-mindeki izin alma formalitesi kaldırılmıştır. Sınıf esasına dayalı dernek kurma yasağı da kalkmıştır. Bu kanunun kabulü sırasında Demokrat Parti adına bir konuşma yapan Adnan Menderes, kanunda yapılan değişikliği demokrasiye giden yolda önemli bir aşa-ma olarak adlandırmıştır. Sivil toplum örgütlenmesinin önündeki engeller Demokrat Parti İktidarı öncesinde kaldırılmıştır. Demokrat Parti İktidarı döneminde sivil toplum kuruluşları ile ilişkiler iki bölü-mde ele alınabilir. Birinci bölüm hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı düzenleme-lerden oluşur. İkinci bölüm ise iktidarın sivil toplum kuruluşlarına yaklaşımı yani onların faaliyetlerine karşı tutumu, ülke yönetimi ile ilgili alınan kararlara ilgili sivil toplum kuruluşlarının tepkileri ve sivil toplum kuruluşlarının kendi alanları ile ilgili alınan kararlarda bu kuruluşların isteklerinin ve itirazlarının dikkate alıp almamasından oluşur.Demokrat Parti İktidarı döneminde sivil toplum alanında birçok düzenleme yapılmıştır. Hükümetin yaptığı bu düzenlemelere günümüzün demokrasi düzeyi ile yaklaşmak zamanın koşullarını ve demokrasi kültürünün oluşum sürecini dikkate almamak anlamına gelir. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı ilk düzenleme 5680 sayılı Basın Kanunu'dur. Kanunun kabulü demokrasi ilkeleri ile bağdaşan bir uygulama olmuştur. Bu nedenle basın ve basın-yayın örgütleri bu yasayı doğru bir adım olarak görmüşlerdir. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı ikinci kanuni düzenleme 5844 sayılı Komünizm İle Mücadele Kanununu çıkarmasıdır. İktidarın programında komü-nizm fikir akımına ve komünist yayınlara karşı mücadele edileceği, bu fikir akımlarının faaliyetlerinin demokratik bir fikir ve vicdan hürriyeti olarak görülmediği aksine de-mokratik rejimi ortadan kaldırmaya yönelik bir tutum ve tavır olduğu vurgulanmıştır. Muhalefetin de bu konuda iktidarla aynı düşünceye sahip olması bu kanunun çıkarıl-masını kolaylaştırmıştır. Demokrat Parti İktidarı'nın bu tür düşünce akımlarına ve onların faaliyetlerine izin vermemesini değerlendirirken zamanın koşullarını ve demok-rasi kültürünün oluşum sürecini göz önünde tutmak yerinde olacaktır. İktidarın sivil toplum alanı ile ilgili yaptığı bir başka uygulama ise 5816 sayılı Atatürk Kanunu'nun çıkarılmasıdır. Atatürk'ün kişiliğine, ilke ve inkılaplarına saldırıların sonucunda kabul edilmiş olan bu kanun günümüzde de geçerlidir. Bu kanunun çıkarılmasına Atatürk'ün kurduğu parti olan CHP'li milletvekillerinin karşı çıkmış olmaları ise üzerinde durul-ması gereken önemli bir husustur. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında gerçekleştirdiği bir başka düzenleme ise 6761 sayılı Vicdan ve Toplanma Hürriyetini Koruma Kanunu'nun kabul edilmesidir. Kanun, irticai hareketlerin artarak rejimi tehdit eder hale gelmesinin sonucu çıkarılmıştır. İrticai hareketlere izin verilmeyeceğini, demokratik rejimi koruya-cağını programında ilan eden hükümet bunun gereğini yerine getirmiştir. Dinin siyasi veya diğer çıkarlar için kullanılması ve bu tür örgütlenmelerin kurulmasını demokratik ilkelerle bağdaştırmak mümkün değildir. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanına bir başka müdahalesi Neşir Yolu ile veya Radyo ile İşlenecek Bazı Cürümler Hakkındaki Kanun'u çıkarması ile 6732 ve 6733 sayılı basın kanunlarının bazı maddelerini değiş-tirmesi ile olmuştur. Bu kanunlarda yer alan kişilerin şikayeti olmadan savcıların ya-yınlar ile ilgili kendiliğinden harekete geçebilmesi unsuru haber alma ve verme hür-riyetini engelleyen bir koşul oluşturmuştur. Yine gazetecilerin yaptıkları haberler ve köşe yazarlarının yazdıkları yazılar nedeniyle şikayet edilmeleri halinde kendilerini müdafaa edebilmeleri için ispat hakkının onlara verilmeyişi bazı konularda ( iktidar ve mülki amirler ile ilgili yolsuzluk vb) haber yapmalarına, yazı yazmalarına engel olacak ortamı oluşturmuştur. Ayrıca, halkın haber alma özgürlüğüne, gazetecilerin özgür ve bağımsız çalışmasına engel olmuştur. İspat hakkı verilmediği gibi bu tür yazı ve haberler için cezaların arttırılması basın hürriyetini ortadan kaldırmıştır. Bu nedenle bazı basın mensupları hareket içerikli haber ve yazıları nedeniyle ceza almış olsalar da hükümetin politikalarını eleştiren onlarca basın çalışanına hapis cezalarının verilmesi vatandaşlara hak ve hürriyetlerini vereceğini ve devri sabık yaratmayacağını söyleyen Demokrat Parti İktidarı'nın bu uygulamaları onun söylemleri ve adıyla çelişmesine ne-den olmuştur. Hükümetin sivil toplum alanında yaptığı bir başka kanuni düzenleme 6771 Sayılı Toplantılar ve Gösteri Yürüyüşleri Kanunu'nu çıkarmasıdır. Kanun, siyasi partilerin seçim varmış gibi çok fazla miting yaptığı ve bu mitinglerde konuşanların hükümeti ağır bir şekilde eleştirdiği ve hatta bazı hatiplerin hükümet üyelerine ağır sözler söylediği gerekçeleriyle kabul edilmiştir. Bu kanun ile partilerin miting ve kapalı alan toplantıları seçim zamanı ile sınırlandırılmıştır. Bu nedenle bu uygulama demokrasiye aykırı bir düzenleme olmuştur. Bir parti veya dernek kanunlara aykırı hareket etmediği sürece istediği zaman izin almak koşulu ile miting yapabilmelidir. Hükümetin sivil toplum kuruluşları ile ilişkilerine baktığımızda ise olumlu ve o-lumsuz tutum ve uygulamaların varlığından söz edebiliriz. İktidarın sivil toplum kuru-luşları ile ilişkileri dernekler, sendikalar ve basın teşkilatları ile olmak üzere üç ana bö-lüm halinde ele alınabilir. Derneklerle ilişkilere baktığımızda öğrenci dernekleri ile iliş-kilerin daha yoğun olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. Özellikle TMTF ve MTTB gibi öğrenci dernek federasyonları yönetimleri ile ilişkiler öğrenci dernekleri ile ilişkilerin en önemli bölümünü oluşturur. Bu konuda partilerin bugünde devam eden derneklerin yönetimle-rini elde etme isteği Demokrat Parti İktidarı'nın da faaliyetlerinden birisini oluşmuştur. Muhalif olan yönetimleri değiştirmek için çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Bu doğrultuda Demokrat Partili dört milletvekili tarafından öğrenci derneklerine hükümetin verdiği ö-deneği dağıtma ve gençlik sorunlarını çözmek amacıyla kurulmuş olan Gençlik Bürosu' nun TMTF ve MTTB'nin yönetim kurulları seçimlerine müdahale etmesi ve sonrası yaşanan olaylar demokrasi ilkeleri ile bağdaşmamıştır. Ayrıca Türkiye Milli Gençlik Teşkilatı adında bir gençlik derneği varken Türk Milli Birliği'nin kurulması ve böylece geçliği farklı cephelerde örgütleme isteği gençliğin birbiri ile kavgalı hale gelmesine ne-den olmuştur. Radyo Dinlemeyenler Cemiyeti'nin İstanbul Valisi Ethem Yetkiner tara-fından kanunsuz bir biçimde kapatılması, Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dekanı Turhan Fevzioğlu'nun görevden alınması nedeniyle eylem yapan öğrencilerin gözaltına alınması ve mahkemeye verilmesi, İTÜTB'nin üniversitedeki yemek boykotu nedeniyle öğrencilerin gözaltına alınmaları, mahkemeye verilmeleri ve hükümet yetki-lilerinin bu konuda yaptıkları açıklamalar demokratik bir iktidar sivil toplum kuruluşu ilişki tarzına aykırı olmuştur. Tahkikat Komisyonu kararları ile örfi idarelerin kurulması ve öğrencilerin tepkilerinin engellenmesi de demokrasi açısında doğru olmayan uygula-malar olmuştur. Kiracılar Cemiyeti'nin istekleri dikkate alınarak Kira Kanunu'nun ka-bul edilmesi, tüccar, esnaf ve sanayicilerin derneklerinin talepleri dikkate alınarak Milli Korunma Kanunu'nda yapılan değişiklik ve kredi imkanlarının artırılması gibi karar-larda dernekler ile ilgili hükümetin olumlu yönde uygulamaları olmuştur. Ayrıca hükü-metin irtica ve komünizm ile mücadeleleri de dernekler tarafından olumlu karşılan-mıştır. Hükümetin sendikalar ile ilişkilerine baktığımızda ise grev hakkı tartışmalarının en önemli sorun olduğunu söyleyebiliriz. İktidarın seçim vaatlerinde ve programında olan grev hakkı ile ilgili sendikalar tarafından onlarca talep gelmiştir. 1951 yılında bir tasarı hazırlanmış olmasına ve ilgili bakanların bu hakkın verileceğini yıllarca söyleme-lerine karşın grev hakkı verilmemiştir. Çalışma bakanları grev hakkının verilmeme ne-denini, genellikle iktisadi ve sosyal düzenin bozulabileceğine dayandırmışlardır. Ayrıca, grev hakkı verildiğinde işverene lokavt hakkının da tanınması gerektiği için sendikala-rın mali gücünün bunu kaldıramayacağını ve işçilerin zor durumda kalacağını iddia et-mişlerdir. Bu nedenlerle grev hakkı için acele edilmemesini dile getirmişlerdir. İşçiye grev hakkının verilmemesinin yanında işçi mitinglerinin yasaklanması; kanunsuz grev nedeniyle bazı sendikaların kapatılması; işsizlik rakamları açıklamaları nedeniyle Çalışma Bakanlığı ile tartışmaya giren bazı sendika birliklerinin Sendikalar Kanunu'nun sekizinci maddesinde yer alan ayrı ayrı iş kolundaki sendikaların sendikal birlik olama-yacağı gerekçesiyle kapatılması; işçi seminerlerinin yasaklanması ve burada konferans verenlerin cahillikle, komünistlikle ve siyasi propaganda yapmakla ile itham edilmesi; Zonguldak Maden İşçileri Sendikası ikinci başkanının muhalif açıklamaları nedeniyle görevden alınması ve sendikanın kongresine müdahale edilmesi gibi olaylar demokratik olmayan tutumlar olmuştur. Kolektif İş Akdi tasarısının TBMM'ye getirilmesi, işçiler için ev yapılması, yıllık ücretli iznin verilmesi, tatil yapamayanlara çalıştıkları gün için yevmiye ödenmesi, sendikal faaliyet nedeniyle işten çıkarılmaların kanunla yasaklan-ması, işçi sigortalarındaki düzenlemelerde işçilerin ve sendikaların lehine olan demok-ratik uygulamalar olmuştur. Basın ve onun teşkilatları ile ilişkilerine baktığımızda Demokrat Parti, muhalefet yıllarında ve iktidarının ilk üç, dört yılında basının büyük bir bölümü tarafından destek- lenmiştir. Fakat hükümet politikalarındaki değişmeler ve ekonomideki kötü gidiş bası-nın büyük bir bölümünün hükümete muhalif olmasına neden olmuştur. Bu nedenle bası-nının muhalif partilerin eylem ve söylemlerini sayfalarına taşıması; hükümet politikala-rını eleştiren yazılar yayınlaması hükümetin yukarıda aktardığımız kanuni önlemleri al-masına neden olmuştur. Bu kanunların kabulüne bazı gazetecilerin hükümet üyeleri ile ilgili eleştirinin boyutunu aşarak hakaret içeren yazıları kaleme almaları da etkili olmuş-tur. Özellikle 1958 yılından sonra basın kuruluşları ile hükümet üyeleri arasında ilişkiler gerginleşmiştir. Basın sanki bir muhalefet partisi gibi muhalefeti hükümete karşı tek cephede birleşmeye çağırırken hükümette basını reklam ödeneklerinin azalması nede-niyle bu yönde hareket etme ve meşru hükümete karşı halkı ayaklanmaya teşvik etmek-le itham etmiştir. İsmet İnönü'nün ve CHP'lilerin yurt gezileri ile Osman Bölükbaşı'nın Kırşehir'i ziyareti ve tutuklanması sırasında bazı gazetecilerin polis tarafından tartak-lanması, fotoğraf makinelerinin ellerinden alınması, gözaltına alınmaları, yargılanma-ları, bu olayların yayının yasaklanması hükümet ile basının ilişkilerini daha da gergin-leştirmiştir. Bu olaylar nedeniyle basın örgütlerinin tebliğler yayınlamaları ve bu tebliğ-lerden birisi nedeniyle İstanbul Gazeteciler Sendikası'nın siyaset yaptığı gerekçesiyle kapatılması ve Beynelmilel Basın Enstitüsü'nün Türkiye'deki basın hürriyeti ile ilgili açıklamasının yayınının yasaklanması basınla iktidarı karşı karşıya getirmiştir. Bu olay-lar bazı gazeteci örgütlerinden istifa edenlerin Demokrat Parti'ye yakın gazeteciler ile radyo ve Anadolu Ajansı'nda çalışan gazetecilerden oluşan Matbuat Kulübü'nün kurul-ması ile sonuçlanmıştır. CHP'nin son olaylar nedeniyle halkı iktidara karşı isyana teşvik ettiği ve silahlı hücreler kurduğu gerekçesiyle Tahkikat Komisyonu'nun kurulması ve bu olay sonucunda örfi idarelerin ilan edilmesi bazı örfi idare kararlarına uymadığı ne-deniyle bazı gazetelerin kapatılmasına neden olmuştur. Tabi ki sadece hükümetin basın-la olumsuz yönde ilişkileri olmamıştır. Başbakan Adnan Menderes birçok kez bazı ga-zetecilere ziyafet vermiş, onların teşekküllerini ziyaret etmiş ve istek ve sorunlarını din-lemiştir. Özetle Demokrat Parti İktidarı Türkiye'de demokrasi kültürünün oluşmadığı ve Cumhuriyet'in ilanının üzerinden çok fazla zamanın geçmediği bir dönemde işbaşına gelen bir iktidardır. Bu nedenle devri sabık yaratılmayacağı ve demokratik hak ve hürriyetlerin tanınacağı, TC Anayasası'nın demokrasi ilkelerine uygun biçimde tanzim edileceği sözleri tutulamamıştır.ABSTRACTOn November 10, 1938 with the death of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, Ismet Inonu country, the management of which the President has become the most authoritative person. İnönü, CHP and the state administration dominated by single units (National Chief), especially the period of Celal Bayar reaction caused CHP deputies and managers. Direction of the party and the country is a party to the Second World War due to the domination of the majority of the people and the power of the economic distress of the people in conflict with conservative political circles and outside the CHP applications in educational and social fields, and a large part of the population has led to the formation of an oppositional stance. In conjunction with this process, the government organized a number of radical opposition movement has led to applications.Due to the reasons stated above, and openly turned into a discourse and actions of individual behavior within the CHP has emerged during the bid for the first time legislation for land reform. CHP deputies Celal Bayar and Adnan Menderes, Fuat Koprulu, and Refik Koraltan, May 14, 1945 with the start of the discussion in Parliament on the proposal of this law the government's attitude towards the application put forward by their speeches. However, prior to the submission to Parliament of the draft of this law is essentially a dissident group within the CHP meetings began Thursday in the home of the formation of Tevfik Rüştü Aras. Aras Tevfik Rüştü since April of 1945 came together at home Emin Sazak sure, Adnan Menderes and Fuat Koprulu CHP reported that they were under the authority of Ismet Inonu and focused on the need to change this situation. Fuat Koprulu Adnan Menderes coming together for the second time and agreed on establishing a democratic center. Refik Koraltan later participated in the meetings. Adnan Menderes, the party and in the community should join this group Celal Bayar has announced that effective. The meeting with the group at the end of Celal Bayar, it has been included. Group members at the meeting held on May 18, Calm before the Turkish Grand National Assembly without a vote of the state budget of 1945 three hundred and seventy-three deputies involved in İzmir deputy Celal Bayar,Deputy Aydin Adnan Menderes, Mersin deputy Refik Koraltan, Kars deputy Fuat Koprulu and Eskişehir deputy Emin Sazak used negative vote against the budget. Against the budget vote against the Republican period was used for the first time. Thus, the attitudes of the opposition put forward a second time. 1945 was prepared by the CHP Parliamentary Group Quartet Motion to think.Group members on June 7, 1945 at Celal Bayar and Adnan Menderes, Fuat Koprulu and the CHP Parliamentary Group of the motion hazard with the signature of President Rafik Koraltan'ın attitudes explicitly put forward by the opposition. The operation of the CHP's proposal to be brought into line with democratic principles and the TC. Recognition of citizens' rights and freedoms of the Constitution claimed that exists.CHP Parliamentary Group on June 12, 1945 This resolution was discussed and rejected. Calm in the ongoing process of this staff within the CHP with the rejection of the possibility of politics as no event requested a proposal to establish an order could not be fighting in the CHP has emerged.The proposals given in the CHP parliamentary group, recently President Ismet Inonu, the idea of establishing a new party he has met with Rauf Orbay. This meeting, the group ventured İnönü his other speeches negative attitude against members of the CHP managers and members of parliament, the party organ of the Nation newspaper articles full of heavy words to leave the group members has led to the CHP. Already published in Homeland Adnan Menderes and Fuat Koprulu writings were expelled from the CHP CHP by the Court on September 25, 1945.Other names resigned. The remaining members of the group began the work of establishing party-Party and the Democratic Party was formally established on January 7, 1946. The Democratic Party, Four signatories to the motion: Celal Bayar and Adnan Menderes, was founded by Fuat Koprulu, and Refik Koraltan. Symbol of the Democratic Party, "DP", is headquartered in Ankara Antalya Deputy Cemal Tunca Sumerian has been building street number eight.The justification of the Democratic Party establishment of a democratic regime in Turkey to install and program, contrary to the laws of democracy, the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey removed, will be guaranteed by the constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens are expressed. In opposition to the CHP, and the government has been accused of exhibiting non-democratic attitudes and behaviors. The opposition between the two parties yıllılarında many events occurred against democracy. Even the Democratic Party, which took place on January 7, 1947 the First General Congress of the abolition of laws which are contrary to the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey adopted the Convention on Freedom and democracy has been requested to the appropriate law. These requests are not adhered to given the right to withdraw from the Parliament of the Board of Directors of the Democratic Party. If the Democratic Party came to power managers to recognize the rights and freedoms of citizens, democracy, contrary to the laws of the Republic to remove the words of the Constitution gave making them compatible with democracy.May 14, 1950 election activities, the same promise was repeated. Even speaking Kasımpaşa on April 2, 1950 Democratic Party Chairman Celal Bayar, that democratic rights and democracy in countries where the right to strike as the social order and stated that the economy will not harm the workers the right to strike. On behalf of the Democratic Party won the elections on May 22, 1950 the government of Adnan Menderes set up and on May 29, 1950 the Parliament approved the government's program.The government program as well as the party's electoral declaration is no shock of the moral and material change of government in the country the possibility to open the account will not be recognized, and in particular sorulmayacağı previous government was emphasized. In the program, the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey is based on the will of the citizens' rights and freedoms and the nation are expressed in stable arrangements shall be made to ensure the realization of a state order. In addition, the governments of the CHP (single-party period) and the remaining non-democratic laws, habits, and understandings change is emphasized. In the program, the workers explained to recognize the right to strike will not disrupt the social and economic order.Programme of the Government of the Democratic Party would get only the rights of citizens were not included. In addition, even though at that time by some of the minority rights in the banned activities took place. Reforms for the protection of the Republic and the extreme left movements (communism) and will not be allowed to deal with them effectively unless otherwise indicated. Legal action will be taken against them because such conditions, the ideas and thoughts of the day is not seen as freedom of conscience is emphasized. This idea will not be allowed to broadcast under the guise of freedom of currents currents of thought because it has been claimed that the purpose of eliminating freedoms. The idea of communism would not be allowed to flow as well as the reactionary movements never be emphasized.Democratic Party Period Before summarizing the power of civil society in its relations with non-governmental organizations would be appropriate to define the organization. The concept of civil society is a concept defined in different ways. In particular the relationship between the state and civil society leads to different definitions. Some of these definitions, civil society, completely independent of the government, which controls the state and even the organized power of the state, which has been described as an alternative. Other definitions of the state and civil society is not so much a sharp separation, has the purpose of ensuring the participation of civil society, the state has been suggested that social. The concept of civil society in the modern sense "Non Govern mental Organizations" (independent of the state organizations), as well as the definition of "voluntary organizations", "nonprofit organizations" as well as the terms are defined. After the definition of civil society non-governmental organization prior to the governments of the Democratic Party has been removed briefly when you let the government's interference.Turkey Associations law no. 3512 came into force on June 28, 1938 and 1909 by the Ottoman Empire era and societies act no. 121 and no. 387 to the law and the law was abolished 353. This is the ninth article of the law bendiyle h "family, class, race, gender" on the basis of the establishment of associations is prohibited. This material association with the trade unions and the establishment of many prohibited. Accept the justification for this law, existing at the time of communist and fascist regimes in some countries to avoid taking over the administration of the country suggested that.Ismet Inonu, 10 to 11 May 1946, after his speech to the CHP congress of the law no. 4919 on June 5, 1946 permitting process and formalities to freedom of association has been removed. Class on the basis of the ban on freedom of association disappeared. Time of the adoption of this law, gave a speech on behalf of the Democratic Party of Adnan Menderes, the change in the law is an important step on the road to democracy, termed. Removed the obstacles to the organization of civil society ahead of the Democratic Party Government.Relations with non-governmental organizations in the Government of the Democratic Party can be considered in two parts. The first part consists of the Regulation in the field of government, civil society. The second part of power approach to civil society organizations, that is, their attitude towards the activities of the country, on the decisions taken on the management of non-governmental organizations and civil society responses in decisions related to their field consists of absence from these organizations to take into account requests and objections.The Governments of the Democratic Party made many regulations in the field of civil society. The government's approach to his time with the level of democracy in today's terms of these regulations and take no account of the formation process of a culture of democracy means. The government's first regulation in the field of civil society Press Act no. 5680. The adoption of the Law has been a practice incompatible with the principles of democracy. Therefore, the press and media organizations saw this as a step towards the law. The second legal regulation in the field of civil society, the government's Struggle Against Communism Act 5844 to issue no. The idea of communism and communist publications program flow of power to fight against the idea of a democratic currents of ideas and activities seen as contrary to freedom of conscience to abolish the democratic regime is emphasized as an attitude and demeanor. Opposition to have the same thought on this subject, power and facilitated the removal of this law. İktidarı'nın Democratic Party not to allow this kind of thought currents and their activities in terms of assessing the time and would be wise to keep in mind that the process of the formation of a culture of democracy. Another application is related to the field of civil society that the government is the removal of the law no. 5816 of Atatürk. Atatürk's personality, principles and reforms of this law which has been adopted as a result of the attacks also applies today. This law established by Ataturk party, the CHP deputies opposed the removal of the need to focus on to be an important consideration. If the regulation is carried out by the Government in the field of non-governmental No. 6761 is the adoption of the Law on Protection of conscience and the right to freedom of assembly. The law was a result of the arrival of fundamentalist movements become increasingly threaten the regime. Harekelere reactionary allowed the democratic regime of government that proclaimed the need to protect the program fulfilled. The use of religion for political or other interests is not possible to reconcile democratic principles and the establishment of such organizations. Another area of civil society through the intervention of the government or the Radio Broadcasting to be covered by the Act on Certain Felonies by extraction with replacement of some provisions of the laws of 6732 and 6733 has been no press. Without these laws, prosecutors publications related to the complaints of the people pass the element of self-motivation has created a condition that prevents the freedom to receive and impart news. Again, journalists, columnists wrote articles for their news and to be able to prove that the right to defend themselves if they are complaining verilmeyişi them on some issues (related to power and corruption, governors, etc.) make news, the media has created to prevent writing to write. In addition, the public freedom of information, has been hampered by journalists to operate freely and independently. Proof is not given the right to increase the penalties for press articles and news like this kind of freedom is eliminated. For this reason, some members of the media even if they are convicted of moving content, news and articles critical of the government's policies, press the dozens of employees and the transfer of prison sentences would be given rights and freedoms of citizens who have no former Democratic Party İktidarı'nın these practices conflict with the name of his discourses, and from what has been . Any other legal regulation in the field of civil society that the Government No. 6771 Law on Meetings and Demonstrations landing. The law of political parties and election rallies like there's a lot of rally speakers heavily criticized the government and even some harsh words said to the members of the government on grounds of orators were adopted. With this law, meetings, parties, rally and off the field is limited to election time. Therefore, this application has an arrangement undemocratic. Act contrary to the laws of association, unless a party or get permission at any time be able to rally with the condition.If we look at the government's relations with civil society organizations can talk about the existence of positive and negative attitudes and practices. Power relations with non-governmental organizations, associations, trade unions and the press offices of three main parts: can be handled. When we look at the relations of relations with associations, student associations say that more intense. Student associations and federations, such as TMTF MTTB especially relations with governments creates the most important part of relations with student associations. Management of associations in this regard the parties desire to achieve, which continues today İktidarı'nın Democratic Party, one of the activities occurred. Various studies the management of the opposition to change. In this respect the government of the Democratic Party the benefit of four deputies student associations established to solve the problems of deploying and youth, the Youth Bureau's board of directors MTTB'nin TMTF and after the elections and the events in the intervention was not consistent with democratic principles. In addition, while Turkey's National Youth Organization is a youth association, and thus the establishment of the Turkish National Union geçliği different fronts at loggerheads with each other to become the youth organization has led to the request. Radio unlawfully by not obeying the closure of the League of the Governor of Istanbul Ethem Yetkiner, Dean of the Faculty of Political Sciences, Ankara University, Turhan Fevzioğlu'nun dismissal of the action because of the detention and court-students who, due to the boycott of food İTÜTB'nin university students detention, without trial and government officials and their explanations in this regard the relationship of a democratic style of government, non-governmental organizations has been inconsistent. Research Commission decisions and the establishment of the legal authorities and the students' reactions have been prevented by applications that are not correct in terms of democracy. Requests, taking into account the adoption of the Law on Lease Tenants Association, merchants, tradesmen, and taking into account the demands of the industrialists' associations, and credit facilities amendment to the Law on Protection of National Associations of decisions, such as increasing the government has applications in a positive way. In addition, the government struggles with fundamentalism and communism was welcomed by the associations.If we look at the government's relations with the trade unions the right to strike is the most important problem söyleyebiliriz.Hükümetin election promises and program discussions with the trade unions on the right to strike has been requested by the dozens. In 1951, a bill has been prepared and the relevant ministers would say that for many years, but the right to strike were not given this right. The right to strike or not to study the cause of ministers, generally relied on the economic and social order can go wrong. In addition, the employer is given the right to strike or lock-out should be recognized the right of the workers to handle this difficult situation will remain the financial power of the trade unions have claimed. For these reasons expressed not to rush to the right to strike. An employee is not given the right to strike of workers rallies next to the prohibition of certain trade unions due to the closure of illegal strikes, unemployment figures into the discussion with the Ministry of Labour for comments eighth article of the Law on Trade Unions located in some of the trade union trade union trade union unity can not be separate business line on the ground, working seminars ban and ignorance of those who lecture here, to be accused of being a communist and political propaganda; Zonguldak Mine Workers' Union and the second president of the union congress to intervene in the dismissal of the opposition, such as descriptions of events were non-democratic attitudes. The introduction to Parliament of the draft collective employment contract for workers to home, paid annual granting of a permit, work groups not on the payment of per diem for the day, because of the dismissal law, the prohibition of trade union activity, labor regulations, workers and trade unions in favor of insurances has been democratic practices.Look at the Democratic Party's relations with the press and its agencies, the opposition and the government die in the first three, four, supported by a large part of the press in. However, changes in government policies and the economy is going bad, the opposition to the government has led to a large part of the media. For this reason, the actions and rhetoric of media sheets to carry the opposition parties and the government to publish articles critical of the government's policies have quoted above, has led to take legal measures. The adoption of this law, the size of some of the criticism of journalists, members of the government to submit written papers has been effective in overcoming-round insulting. Especially in 1958, after the tense relations between members of the press and the government. Press it as an opposition party, the opposition to unite against the government calling a single front to move in this direction due to the decline in government appropriations media advertising and the people to revolt against the legitimate government has been accused. . Ismet Inonu and CHP foreign trips and a visit to Kirşehir Osman Bölükbaşı some journalists during his arrest by the police, beaten, deprived cameras, detention, trial, media relations with the government banning the publication of these events gerginleştirmiştir. This is due to the events of press organizations publish papers and one of the papers due to the closure of Istanbul, on the grounds that the political Union of Journalists and the international Press Institute press freedom in Turkey, the prohibition of publication of the statement on the power of the press has faced. These events are close to the Democratic Party, who resigned some journalist organizations, journalists and radio and printed documents of journalists working in the Anatolian Agency resulted in the establishment Club. Due to recent events in the CHP encourages people to revolt against the government and the armed cells, and this event as a result of the establishment of the Commission of Inquiry on the grounds established by customary authorities declared martial law in some of the decisions of the breach has led to the closure of some newspapers. Of course, only the government's relationship with the press has been negative. Some reporters several times Prime Minister Adnan Menderes feast, I have visited their formations and listened to requests and problems.In summary declaration of the Democratic Party Government of the Republic of Turkey, the culture of democracy are generated does not exceed too much time in power, which came to power at a time. For this reason, touched and democratic rights and freedoms recognized representatives of the previous government, the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey promises to be devised in accordance with the principles of democracy has not been realized.
The subject of this study – The Youth in Croatia and the European Integration – is the relationship of youth toward the European integration process, including the Croatian accession to the European Union, as well as their sociopolitical readiness for integration into a united Europe. The analysis is based on a section of data gathered in early 2004, on the entire Croatian territory, and conducted within the scientific and research project Youth and the European Integration Process. The basic sample of youth, aged 15 to 29, consisted of 2000 examinees, and the control sample of persons older than 30 consisted of 1000 examinees. The obtained findings on youth have been systematically compared to results from the previous research project, The Value System of Youth and Social Changes in Croatia, conducted in early 1999, on an identically structured sample of 1700 young examinees. Data on Croatian youth has also been compared to the corresponding findings of several European researches. European integration is a dynamic and multidimensional process, and in this research, the accent was on the political and normative dimensions of integration. The genesis of the political development of European Union has indicated that, in spite of the oscillations in the process of integration, there is a recognizable progress toward the construction of a Europe of values, where all the included countries meet with equally high democratic demands. The existing research into the European integration process has undoubtedly shown that the relationship of citizens toward the EU varies as a function of time, and depends on the specific situation in certain countries or societies. Croatia is a transitional country that has stepped into the process of democratic consolidation, and after the year 2000, it had also stepped out of a certain kind of international isolation. Today, Croatia is a country trying to join the united Europe, which has managed to obtain the status of a candidate country for accession into the EU, albeit with an uncertain date for accession negotiations. Even though the main obstacle for the start of negotiations is supposedly the lack of satisfaction of the EU with the Croatian cooperation with the Hague Tribunal, the existing tendencies and events in the country indicate that Croatia is not adequately prepared to join the Union: not at the political, nor the social, and especially not at the economic plain. The indicated findings are also the starting points in the research of the relationship of Croatian youth toward the European integration process. A valid analysis of this relationship demands a previous insight into some aspects of the political readiness of youth for European integration of Croatia. With that in mind, special attention was dedicated to political values, attitudes and participation of youth, whose longitudinal monitoring enables a detection of changes that took place during the past five years. The data comparison showed that during the observed period of time, the young people' s otherwise relatively high acceptance of almost all the constitutional values, as well as the harmonious perception of politics and institutional trust have increased, while the lack of hard work, discipline and responsibility are now perceived as a social problem to a greater extent than before. The recent data also indicates that today' s youth perceive the existence of educational, gender and age inequalities in the Croatian society to a larger degree, as well as the worsening of political representation of all marginal groups. On the other hand, the understanding of conflicts and democratic rules (especially the role of the opposition) has weakened, the perception of crime in ownership conversion and privatization as a problem has decreased, there is also a weaker perception of the existence of social and religious inequalities, the social activism and political participation have decreased, and the attitude about inclusion into youth organizations of political parties and the establishment of independent youth parties as forms of activities that might contribute to a more active participation of youth in the society has decreased. From hence comes the conclusion that certain changes tend to lead to further social, most of all political, (self)passivization and marginalization of young people. The continuity of tendencies established in the previous research projects, confirm the finding that the young are not a monolithic group when it comes to acceptance of political values, expression of political attitudes and the level of political participation. The greatest differentiation is present regarding the not so present tolerance toward most observed social phenomena and groups, the perception of unemployment as the most important social problem and the cause of existing difficulties, the perception of existence of political inequalities and the stated interest in politics, as well as the perception of the role of the " diaspora" in the Croatian political life. When these results are observed integrally, it is obvious that the young are mostly differentiated by the level of obtained knowledge and their socio-professional status, then party identification, social origin and the phase of maturity. All the mentioned differentiations of youth can simply be summarized by outlining two large, relatively polarized groups: one consists of socially more competent youth, inclined to the ideological and political options of the left center, and the other consists of a socially inferior youth, inclined toward the right pole of the ideological-political spectrum. The socially more competent youth is more liberal, more critical toward the social reality and the political actors, they manifest a greater respect for democratic institutions and procedures, which is an indicator of the importance of favorable circumstances in the process of political socialization. The recent data enabled us to establish the existence of inter-generational differences, which are not enormous but are significant. The comparative analysis of the attitudes of both the young and the older examinees, demonstrated that the young state a higher degree of trust in the media than the older examinees, that they are more tolerant toward a number of social phenomena and groups, which cause dispute both in the Croatian and the European public opinion arena, as well as more sensitive regarding ethnic inequalities. The young perceive war as the main cause of current difficulties to a greater extent than the elders, they have considerably more trust in their own generation as a social force that could initiate positive trends, they express a greater readiness for inclusion in different civil society activities, and believe more that television and youth organizations could mobilize them into active participation in social affairs. At the same time, the young are slower than the older examinees to accept the value of a democratic order, however, they are also less prone to have a harmonious understanding of politics, they are less socially sensitive, they express less trust in the institutions of power, the socioeconomic goals and the preservation of tradition are less often among their political priorities, they less often think immorality and criminal activities in the privatization process are the cause of current problems, they perceive a smaller level of corruption in all areas of social life (aside from education), they believe less in the positive contribution of experts and entrepreneurs to overcoming the trends of crisis, they are less interested in politics and participate less in political parties, and they have a smaller level of faith in the mobilization role of education for democracy, volunteer work, political parties and non-governmental organizations, as well as the contribution of the family and education system in the stimulation of the young people' s social engagement. The established inter-generational differentiation can be explained through the life cycle theory, meaning the mentioned differences are mostly the effect of differing social statuses and the complete experiences of the young and the older examinees. That means that most young people have not assumed some of the permanent social roles, and that their immediate experiences are limited only to some social areas among which politics do not have a prominent place. The existing inter-generational differences are also the result of the fact that most older examinees draw on their experience gained in a different social and political regime, which to a certain measure forms their existing system of political values that is, in certain elements, especially those related to the social dimension, different than the youth' s system of political values. On the other hand, the congruence of the young and older examinees is contributed to by a common experience of an era, that is, life in a specific socio-historic period. The absence of deep inter-generational ambiguities also indicates that, in spite of the radical changes that have appeared through the decomposition of the old and the set-up of a new social and political order, the mechanism for transposing political values from the older generations to the young ones, functions to a considerable degree, along with the transfer of the shortcomings that exist in the structured political awareness of the older generation. Even though it was established that the youth in Croatia accept the traditional values to a smaller degree compared to the elders, the young are at the same time somewhat more conservative in certain areas than their European counterparts. Pointing to this finding is the greater orientation of the Croatian youth toward the family and a smaller extent of tolerance of certain phenomena and groups in the contemporary society. At that, the social participation of the Croatian young generation is at a lower level than the participation of their European peers. The attitude toward human rights is also one of the indicators of political preparedness of Croatian youth for integration into a democratic Europe, which promotes high standards in the protection of human rights and freedoms. The research results about the evaluation of individual human rights and freedoms, show that the youth accept the right to an education, the right to work and personal security, the right to privacy, the social protection of the elderly and those in other precarious situations, the equality before the law, the rights of women and the right to ownership the most. The analysis has shown that the preference of individual human rights and freedoms is not caused by the observed socio-demographic and socio-structural characteristics of the young, aside from education, which points to the significance of the education system as an agent of improvement of the state of human rights. Approximately a third of the young examinees were not satisfied with the respect for human rights in Croatia today nor were they satisfied five years ago, the percentage of the undecided has decreased in that period of time, and the number of those that think human rights in Croatia are mostly or completely respected has increased. The results of the analysis of social attributes of youth indicate that the ability of assessment and a higher degree of criticism toward the status of human rights in Croatia is related to life in economically more prosperous regions, a left ideological-political orientation as well as the female gender. The comparison of the evaluation of the contribution of institutions, organizations and significant individuals in the population of youth in 1999 and in 2004, established that the generation of youth today perceives a higher level of contribution of all observed participants (except for the opposition) to the protection of human rights and freedoms in Croatia. More precisely, most of the young assess that all the participants, completely or mostly, contribute to the realization of human rights in Croatia, which especially refers to the perception of the contribution of the highest institutions of power. The perception of the status of human rights in Croatia and the contribution of the observed actors to the realization of those rights, are considerably highly influenced by regional affiliation and party identification, followed by their social background, their gender and the religious self-identification of the young. The comparison of acceptance of the observed human rights and freedoms of the populations of young and older examinees in Croatia, indicates that the elders accept most individual human rights and freedoms more than the young, and that they also express less criticism toward today' s respect for those rights and freedoms in Croatia, while validating the contribution of all the observed actors to a higher degree. To summarize, the analysis has shown that the young accept human rights and freedoms very highly at the level of principle, but that there is a certain disagreement when it comes to concrete rights and practices in Croatia. Even though the degree of acceptance of the value of human rights and freedoms is high among the young, there are also deviations indicating an increased need for additional engagement of certain agents of socialization, especially the education system and the political actors. The national affiliation of youth is another indicator relevant to its relationship toward the European integration. The research has shown that the attitude most represented with the youth is one of moderate national identification, then the ones signifying an openness toward the world, while ethno-centric statements are at the back of the obtained hierarchy. The attitude that had demonstrated the highest representation of national identification is for the first time at the top of the rank in all our research projects, just as it is evident that nationally tinted attitudes, both moderate and extreme, are more represented now than in 1986 or in 1999. Such an increase of the national affiliation of the young can be interpreted by the fact that there is more emphasis on existential problems and that there is a higher uncertainty regarding the future, then the increase of differences between the rich and the poor, as well as a smaller degree of trust in the political leadership. The immediate confrontation with this type of social instability, results in a search for safer modes of relationships with other people, the society as a whole and some of its parts, where the nation represents one of the safe havens, much like family and church. However, it is necessary to emphasize that the attitudes of openness toward the world are quite stabile, and that they are often complementary instead of being opposite to attitudes of national identification. At the same time, this points to the complexity of the problem of national affiliation and the fact that it does not have to be exclusive, but can actually coexist with attitudes that enhance the process of European association. Regarding their national affiliation the young are, of course, not homogenous. The results of the analysis have shown that the nationally oriented youth is significantly more religious than the others, they prefer the conservative parties, live in Dalmatia, Central and Eastern Croatia, they originate more often from rural areas and families, where the father has a lower degree of education, they personally have a lower level of education and, within the youth sample, they belong to the youngest age cohort (age 15 to 19), and the groups of pupils and the unemployed. On the other hand, a significantly lower national affiliation is expressed by youth coming from the Istrian, Zagreb and Northern Croatia provenience, those indecisive about religion or atheists, youth of urban background and a higher family and personal education status. However, regarding cosmopolitism, the young demonstrate significantly more homogenous results. It is especially indicative that the more ethno-centric examinees and, to a smaller degree, those with a pronounced national identification, more often have a negative perception of the European Union, while the nationally more exclusive examinees refuse to even support the accession of Croatia into the European Union. The examination of the social (ethnic) distance toward certain nations has demonstrated that the young have put members of the former Yugoslav federation and Russians at the back of the scale, while, with an under-average evaluation, the center of the scale is occupied by members of certain Central and Eastern European nations (the Czech and the Hungarian). Inhabitants of the European Western and Southwestern territories, especially the Italians, which occupy the first position after form the Croats, and the Germans, demonstrate satisfactory results just by being evaluated by average grades. However, the degree of social closeness that the young citizens of Croatia feel toward other Croatian men and women, indicates a certain dose of self-criticism, because approximately one third of the young do not feel an especially high level of affinity toward, for the most part, their own nationals. The older examinees differ from the young in that they more pronouncedly represent attitudes at the center of the national affiliation scale, as well as indicate a higher ethnical distance on average. However, the fact is that, in spite of the existence of inter-generational differences when it comes to national affiliation where the older examinees dominate, there are also inter-generational differences that indicate a better position of the youngest examinees in our sample (aged 15 to 19). This phenomenon has already been described in literature by the so-called U-curve, which vividly illustrates a higher national affiliation of individuals at their earlier and later periods of life. Thus, the greater national affiliation, on the one hand, seems to appear as an expression of an adolescent transitional crisis, and on the other, as a consequence of a long-term perseverance of the perception and production of (most probably) negative experiences with a specific out-group. The relationship of the examinees toward the European integration and the European Union has been investigated via numerous indicators, where the emphasis was on the perception of the possible consequences of Croatian accession to the EU. However, other aspects of the relationship toward Europe and the EU have been the object of research, presenting a wider context for understanding the perception of consequences of joining the Union. The obtained results demonstrated that most of the young and of the older examinees in Croatia actually had a neutral image of the EU, even though those with a positive image exceed those that perceive the EU negatively. Actually, nine tenths of the examinees have in the beginning of 2004, supported the Croatian integration into the Union, but among those examinees, there is a highest number of euro-skeptics, that is, those that believe that too much is expected from the accession. At the same time, there were considerably less euro-enthusiasts (those that expect all-around benefits from the integration) and euro-realists (who believe that integration is inevitable for the survival of small countries). As for the difficulties standing in the way of the Croatian road to a united Europe, the examinees had equally addressed them to both Croatia and the European Union, however, the number of young emphasizing the accountability of the EU has increased from 1999 to 2004, and the number of those accenting Croatia' s responsibility has, in the same period of time, decreased. The finding that the young expect significantly more positive than negative consequences after the Croatian accession into the European Union, is especially important. However, in this regard, there has been a mild decrease in the expectation of the positive, and an increase of the negative consequences among the young during the last five years. The highest positive expectations have been registered at the individual and the socio-cultural planes, while the optimism regarding the socio-economic progress has decreased. Indeed, the lack of socio-economic preparedness of Croatia for the entrance into the developed European surrounding is expected to yield the most negative consequences. The research of the expected development of the EU in the coming ten years, has shown that only the possibility of easier travel, work, study and life in Europe is expected by most of the examinees, especially the young ones. The young are quite fearful of the costs Croatia might have from the integration and of the worsening position of the agricultural population. The negative conesquences expecting their own country are, however, less perceived by the youth in Croatia, than by their counterparts in Europe. Related to the fears from the construction of a united Europe and European Union, we have established that the youth in Croatia is most afraid of the abolition of the Croatian currency and the increase of crime, and its smallest fear has to do with the potential loss of social privileges. The fears of examinees in the enlarged Europe are somewhat different – the most expressed fear is that of labor transfer into other countries, the increase of crime and drug trade, the difficulties expecting the farmers and the price their country has to pay due to the development of the EU. Both the young and the old examinees in Croatia are less worried about the loss of national identity, language and their social privileges than the European examinees. All our examinees emphasize the multiple benefits of the EU enlargement, followed by the positive effects of that enlargement for Croatia, while the efforts of the Croatian government, regarding the accession to the Union, are valued quite poorly. The potential accession of Croatia into the European Union shall also signify a change in the decision-making process, meaning that some of those decisions will be reached at the national level, and some jointly with the EU. Our examinees have, in this regard, demonstrated a high level of readiness for integration, because more than half of them believes that four fifths of the observed areas should be the object of joint decision-making by the EU and Croatia. The only areas in which, in the opinion of the young examinees, Croatia should decide autonomously are the acceptance of refugees, the judiciary, culture, agriculture, fisheries and the police. The Europeans differ in their opinions on these issues from the Croats, and believe two thirds of the observed affairs should be decided on jointly by their country and the EU, while their country should be autonomous in deciding about education, basic rules about the media, health and social care and unemployment. Different social groups have, based on the perception of youth, been grouped into potential losers of the integration (farmers, the retired, workers, the unemployed), potential winners of the integration process (such as the inhabitants of the capital and certain regions, the young, as well as the Croatian population as a whole), and certain winners of the process of integration, which are also the best prepared for Croatian accession into the EU (experts, foreign language speakers, the political elite, managers, large companies). Actually, it was shown that the young consider the social groups which are in a relatively better position in the Croatian society today to be the greatest winners of EU integration, and those whose current status is unenviable, who are in the greatest need of a better future, were perceived as those that will potentially gain the least. The only encouraging fact is that the young are seeing themselves as the potential winners, meaning they believe the existing abilities and potentials of the young generation only need optimal circumstances in order to reach their peak. However, the data about the knowledge of foreign languages in Croatia are not very exhilarating, especially compared to the knowledge of foreign languages of the youth in the European Union countries. Within this research, we have also found that approximately three quarters of our examinees are proud of being Croatian citizens, while around half of the young, and somewhat less of the elders are proud to be European. The young are the ones to be more critical toward their national identity, and at the same time they lead in the positive validation of their European identity. However, the most interesting finding concerns the fact that all the Croatian examinees feel less national pride than the inhabitants of the European Union, while it is understandable that the examinees in the EU emphasize their pride of being European more. The answers of the examinees regarding the question about the contents of the concept " being a citizen of the European Union" indicate that neither the young, nor the older examinees posses a coherent understanding of the EU citizenship. Still, the right to work, live and study in any EU member, represents the key element for the understanding of EU citizenship, both with the young people in Croatia and with the youth in the Union. The young and the older Croatian examinees believe that active suffrage is the least important, regardless of whether the elections in question include the European Parliament, the national or the local representative bodies. Only one out of four Croatian examinees believes the Croatian membership in the EU might benefit them personally, while almost half of all the young and a third of the older examinees do not posses a defined opinion on this issue. It is clear that this feeling is closely related to the question of the personal meaning the European Union holds for the examinees, where neither the young nor the elders have a homogenous perception of the meaning of the EU. A single response appeared in an above-average number of cases – the EU is a way of creating a better future for the young – while the claim that the EU signifies a sort of " European government" , superimposed to the national states which are members of the Union, received a small level of support. Unlike that, the young from the Union countries emphasize the freedom of movement most often, while in time, the very concept of " European government" became more pronounced in the attitudes of the European youth. The young people in Croatia, as well as in the EU, express an equally small level of fear of the euro-bureaucracy, the loss of cultural diversity and the utopian idea of Europe. Considering the readiness of the young to live outside of Croatian borders, we have found that almost two fifths of them would like to live (and work and study) abroad for a while, while a quarter of the Croatian youth would like to leave the country forever. The older examinees, on the other hand, demonstrate a higher level of conservativeness toward the possible departure of their children into one of the countries of the Union, but they are, however, ready to accept their possible studying and training in the EU, while only one out of seven examinees would like his/her children to permanently live or spend their entire working life in one of the countries, which are members of the European Union. The analysis of the differentiation of the young in their relationship toward the European integration and the EU, has indicated that the used social characteristics have a limited influence. In other words, the young are relatively homogenous in their perception of a united Europe and the expectations from the Croatian accession to the European Union. However, certain differences do exist, and they are mostly caused by party identification, socio-professional status, regional affiliation and religious self-identification. This means that the most influential attributes, when it comes to attitudes toward the European integration process, are the ones consisting of ideological-political attitudes and the current social status along with the specifics of the wider environment. Thus, we have found that the sympathizers of parties that belong to the left center, then pupils and students, the inhabitants of the more developed regions and the non-religious examinees are more inclined toward the EU and the integration process, and at that, they emphasize the positive consequences and the potential gains from the Croatian accession into the Union, more than they express their concerns with the negative consequences. Hence, the concise conclusion would be that the greater social competence of the young is reflected in the establishment of a stable and more consistent pro-European orientation. Otherwise, the young differ from their older counterparts in their higher expectance of positive effects from the Croatian integration into the EU and, at the same time, in the lower perception of expected problems and undesirable consequences. Considering information sources and the level of information of the young in Croatia, the results show that the young follow the news in all the media outlets relatively often, but that they do lag behind the older examinees, and the examinees coming from the former EU candidate countries. This finding does not apply only to the use of the Internet as a source of information, where the young people are far superior to the older examinees. With that in mind, it is interesting that the young differ the most among each other, in the use of Internet and the reading of daily newspapers, where the socially more qualified young examinees (the more educated, coming from an urban environment and richer regions and averagely older ones) are the ones that use both media for obtaining information more often. As for the contents the examinees look for in the media, it is visible that the young are much more interested in events from the social and cultural life, and much less in issues related to politics. A comparison with the examinees from 13 countries that were EU candidates, demonstrated that they are far more interested in all the contents (aside from sports) than the Croatian examinees. Regarding the assessment of their own level of information about the EU, somewhat more than half of the young have stated that they are well informed about the European Union and events in it, compared to two thirds of the older examinees believing they are well informed. On the other hand, the results of both the young and the older examinees are surprisingly high, compared to the data on the level of information of the inhabitants in the 25 countries of the European Union, where three quarters of the examinees thought they were poorly informed about the issue. Closely related to the question of the level of information about the European Union itself, is the question about the general level of information about the Croatian accession to that association. The results demonstrate a somewhat different trend than the previous finding. In this case, less than half of the young consider themselves to be well informed about the process. It is interesting that the identically gathered data on this issue, from the former EU candidate countries, yielded a much lower evaluation by the examinees on their own level of information. Regarding issues and problems related to the EU that the examinees would like more information on, we have established that both the youth in Croatia and the examinees from the former EU candidate countries, find issues related to the Union' s policy on youth and education to be the most interesting, followed by the economy and social policy. Along with that, the issues regarding the enlargement of the EU, the cultural policy, the international relations, the regional policy and the EU budget are the ones the young find to be the least interesting. The manner in which the examinees gather information on the European Union mostly include the mass media outlets (the press, the television and the radio), and only then other forms of information gathering, such as discussions with their families and friends, surfing the Internet, specialized books and other published material, and the activities of non-governmental organizations. There are no significant differences in the use of the stated sources of information between the young and the older examinees, except in the case of the Internet. Considering the examinees from the 25 EU member countries, they use all of the observed sources as a way of getting information about the European Union, its policies and institutions, in a smaller amount. The examination of the objective knowledge of the examinees on specific issues related to the European Union has yielded devastating results. Thus, when asked about the phase Croatia was in, regarding the accession process into the EU, at the moment the research was being conducted, the correct answer was given by only a third of both the young and the older examinees. The second question asked, dealt with the familiarity of certain institutions of the European Union. The young and the older examinees do not differ very much from each other regarding their knowledge of this issue: the most familiar institution to both of them is the European Parliament, followed by the European Commission, then the EU Council of Ministers, then the European Central Bank, while all the other institutions were familiar to less than two fifths of the Croatian examinees. The examined citizens of the European Union are, understandably, more familiar with each of the observed institutions. The social attributes of the young, causing the greatest differences regarding their level of information, are mostly the ones connected to their level of socio-cultural qualifications (the socio-professional status and the level of education), followed by gender, and then provenience, regional affiliation and the age of the examinees. The highest level of information and knowledge belongs to men from the oldest age cohort of youth, those born and living in large cities, the inhabitants of the most developed regions, students and the employed examinees, as well as those with a higher education degree, the non-religious and examinees preferring liberal and left-wing parties. Along with all that, it is important to stress that a better level of knowledge and information about the European Union, its policies, institutions and enlargement process, correlates to positive attitudes about the different aspects of the European Union (the image of the EU, the following of issues related to it, the support for the Croatian accession to the Union, and so on), which, most probably, means that they are mutually determined. The inter-generational comparison has, on the other hand, indicated that the older examinees are more interested in most issues appearing in the media, especially politics, and that they assess their level of information to be better than do the young examinees. To put it shortly, the results of the research on the information level and knowledge of the Croatian citizens – both young and old – about the European Union, have indicated that they are not that interested in the European Union issues, as much as their level of presence in the media and the political agenda might imply, and the examinee' s knowledge about the relationship of Croatia and the EU is at an even lower level. Henceforth, it is necessary to conduct a strong and comprehensive public campaign directed precisely at the increase of the level of information and knowledge of the citizens about the European Union and what it represents, so that when the issue comes to the agenda, the Croatian inhabitants might make an educated decision about their country' s accession to that community of European states. The research results presented above may be summarized into a number of tendencies and statements of a wider nature. The political culture of the young testifies, in a number of aspects, to an approximation to the desirable democratic standards – especially regarding the acceptance of basic liberal-democratic values and the readiness for social engagement, at lease in principle – however, their social power and social capital are at a low level. At that, the young are aware of their own social and political marginalization, and recognize an entire plethora of measures that might help them gain a certain measure of power and become active citizens, as is desirable in a democratic society, but they do not use sufficiently the channels of social and political promotion, which are at their disposal. Today' s generation of youth expresses a lower level of social sensitivity and is more oriented toward individual efforts and family resources in the realization of life goals. At that, it seems that the young are not aware of the fact that an unequal access to existing social resources of the young generation today will have generated an unequal social status when they come of age. Hence, we can expect a widening and deepening of the process of social decomposition, that should be corrected through mechanisms that are supposed to ensure the highest possible equality of chances in the access to social resources (most of all, education). What we mean to say is that human capital is what Croatia, as a small and an insufficiently developed country, should deal with very thoughtfully. This, at the same time, signifies a maximum of investment into the development of human potentials, where the young generation certainly comes first. The inter-generational differences regarding the readiness of Croatia for accession into the European Union, and the relationship toward the European integration, are not of such a type and scale that there could be any mention of a generational gap, however, they are indicative. The most visible fact is that the young have demonstrated a more liberal, tolerant and flexible disposition, that they have a higher belief in the potentials of their own generation, and that they are consistent in their pro-European orientation, where they see their own generation as one of the certain winners of the Croatian accession into a united Europe. These trends suggest that the potentials of the young are a resource to be seriously reckoned with on the Croatian road into the EU. The process of the Croatian accession into the European Union is linked to different difficulties that affect the attitudes of citizens about the importance of Croatian entrance into the EU. Through this research, we have clearly detected that, unlike the Croatian political elite, both the young and the older citizens do not consider the Croatian integration into EU, to be the most important political goal. The political priorities of the citizens seem to be quite different, and their support to the project of European integration is weakening. It is, then, realistic to expect this trend to continue if the problematic events in the European Union persist, just as the difficulties in the relationship of Croatia and the EU, as well as the unfavorable economic and social trends in Croatia itself. This is why there are two equally important political tasks facing the ruling political elite: the initiation of the development of Croatia and an well-argumented explanation to the Croatian citizens why the country' s integration in the united Europe is purposeful.
Part one of an interview with Maria Mendoza of Fitchburg, Massachusetts. Topics include: Maria Mendoza's parents were born in Portugal, but she was born in Bedford, MA. How she and her husband moved to Fitchburg, MA because of his work in the cotton industry. Her first impressions of Fitchburg and what the city was like when she first moved there. Her work as a stitcher. Her education. Her feelings about politics and government in the U.S. Her feelings about Fitchburg today. How she spends her leisure time. ; 1 WAYNE LUCIER: December 1st, 1973, interview conducted by Wayne Lucier. Place of interview, Mrs. Mendoza's home. Your name, please. MARY MENDOZA: Mary Mendoza. WAYNE LUCIER: And your nationality. MARY MENDOZA: Portuguese descent. WAYNE LUCIER: And your age. MARY MENDOZA: 62. WAYNE LUCIER: Date of birth. MARY MENDOZA: June 15, 1911. WAYNE LUCIER: And what generation are you? Were you born in the United States? MARY MENDOZA: Yes, that would be the second generation now. WAYNE LUCIER: And your present address. MARY MENDOZA: 9 Exeter Street, Fitchburg, Mass. WAYNE LUCIER: And your phone number. MARY MENDOZA: 2-2286. WAYNE LUCIER: And what city were you born? MARY MENDOZA: New Bedford, Mass. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. And when did you come to Fitchburg? MARY MENDOZA: Hmm, 1941. WAYNE LUCIER: And like from, from New Bedford, when-when you were born, where else did you go? MARY MENDOZA: Springfield. Oh, what, I didn't [go to] Springfield now, don't I, because I lived in Springfield anyway. WAYNE LUCIER: You went from New Bedford directly to Springfield? MARY MENDOZA: Well, we went, uh, Chicopee before, but then I didn't like the place where we lived in and we moved to Springfield. WAYNE LUCIER: And why did you, why did you move to these places? MARY MENDOZA: Because his work, yeah. He has to go and work in there, in Springfield, so there's too much driving. WAYNE LUCIER: Why did you come into Fitchburg? MARY MENDOZA: Mm, the cotton industry. We went in after my husband had to come for the [mildew] and shot at [your health] there. In that, he was attorney to handle some, manage some people in the night shift. 2 WAYNE LUCIER: Before you came here, what kind of jobs did you hold? MARY MENDOZA: Myself was stitching. WAYNE LUCIER: Throughout the whole time? MARY MENDOZA: No. I was a supervisor, because I went up. I went in, I cut the work… well, stitched part of that time, too. WAYNE LUCIER: Before you came here, what did you know about Fitchburg? MARY MENDOZA: Nothing, just my husband, the boss, the superintendent of the cotton industry brought him here. WAYNE LUCIER: What did you think about it after you got here? MARY MENDOZA: Well, I thought it was a nice, old city, small, but peaceful. My thoughts and my mind was always in New Bedford, but after a while, my son was born here and I kind of, you know, learned to like Fitchburg. The only thing that bothers me is what the politicians are doing to it. WAYNE LUCIER: Even then? The politicians were… MARY MENDOZA: No, they were peaceful. We had enough. We had everything we needed if we wanted to work for it. Now, they give us this, give us that, then they turn around and take all we, all the dollars we have, together, put together all those years. And they call it "to help the people." Let the people help themselves, and they're fine. Unless they're sick, they shouldn't be so much helpless. They call it "help." WAYNE LUCIER: Where did you live in Fitchburg when you came? MARY MENDOZA: When we came over here, we went to Marine- WAYNE LUCIER: Maryland. MARY MENDOZA: Maryland, yeah, Maryland. WAYNE LUCIER: And then from there you came… MARY MENDOZA: And then we went to Edwards Street. They sold the house where I was, so I went to Edwards Street. And then we bought this house. WAYNE LUCIER: And all these homes, did you own these homes or…? MARY MENDOZA: No, just this one. WAYNE LUCIER: Were they… MARY MENDOZA: They were rented.3 WAYNE LUCIER: And were there a lot of people living there? You know what I mean, where… MARY MENDOZA: No, one was a cottage, and the other one was a two-family apartment. WAYNE LUCIER: And in this district, were the people… MARY MENDOZA: Oh, those days, they had about 10 children, I guess, [from us]. WAYNE LUCIER: Were they Portuguese people or they were just… MARY MENDOZA: They were French people. But to me, they were people and they were nice people, poor people. But that's why I compare now – things now and then. Then they were so poor, they used to put beans, green beans in a bowl with milk and they call it a feast. Now we have so much. I used to say, you know, once in a while, I used to give things to them because – and they were so pleased with life. They were a paper girl and a paper boy, and they help the father. The name, the middle name was LeBlanc, but the dad name's [nothing]. And yet, they seem to have certain happiness. Now that they have so much in name, yet it isn't enough. My gosh! I never had no trouble, because my heart was here, the day my mother put me in school, you know, to know your language and all that, but she had a summer house there, so that made it… she left me there, and of course, I didn't want it. We come back after my father died and we struggled. She had no social securities, no nothing. Ten children and we get together, and we get along all right. But those times, there was no help of any kind. I remember when they used to – Mr. Simmons, you give him $3 a week, warfare, and he was so grateful. They paid his rent, which in those days was about $2.50 for a three-room apartment. And he was so grateful. Now, they're getting $20 a head and more, but still they holler because they don't go to work, you know. That's why when I get to politicians, you get my blood way up in the air. But the country that I loved to be, it's just like before, not the way in the depression time. That was a bad time. Still, we could depend, we could trust people. Now, we have more than what we need—not everybody, but the biggest part of it—and we can enjoy nothing 4 because we have no faith, no leader, no… That's what's bothering me about the country and about my son and his children. For us, you know, we're almost there. WAYNE LUCIER: Almost there where? MARY MENDOZA: In heaven, I hope. WAYNE LUCIER: [Laughs] MARY MENDOZA: Close to it. WAYNE LUCIER: One foot in the door, huh. MARY MENDOZA: Yeah. Well, before, I never even bothered with politicians, and now with peace, now that I decided for… but going on two years now, I decided to think if there was anything that I could do or help, you know, on my [own], because if everybody does a little something, then the little in every home or in every family would help the country finally. But I told you, I'm sorry, I did, because it gets my blood boiling. I can see it, but all I have is grammar and people that go to colleges and have they call it an education and yet they can't, they do nothing about it. I don't know. So you see, when there's not much that I can say, even the prices are so high that you can't touch this, you can't touch that. Even that, I wouldn't mind it if we had a good leader and if we had some kind of a love in our country, but they bring so many people from all over the world, they each get their different ideas, and mixing them together, of course something's going to blow up. But I shouldn't tell you this, because you know more than I do anyway. But you asked me how I feel. It's a terrible feeling that you can't explain it. And even prayer kind of gets mixed up. Your mind is wondering what's going to be the next minute. WAYNE LUCIER: When you were younger, what type of jobs did you hold? MARY MENDOZA: Well, I've been a stitcher all the way; most of it is stitch. WAYNE LUCIER: How did you learn this? Is this something your mother taught you or you just learned to pick it up? MARY MENDOZA: No. I went to the shop and I guess I asked Mr. Silverman for a job. And he asked me what did I know about the job. I told him nothing. We had a sewing machine, you know, not a [farm]5 machine, a sewing machine. I used to make an apron or… it wasn't me already to cut this, cut that. He says, "Would you bring, come tomorrow and bring some of the things that you did?" And I went home and I couldn't think of anything that I thought was good to show them. So I took myself a dress and an apron that I had bought all a bunch of cloth for $1.00 and took it to him. "Did you did that?" I had made a dress for a doll, but when I was small, I never had a doll. Then somebody, you know, I get a price, a dollar, and I was made a dress. So he says, "Why don't you go in that machine and you play with these pieces of cloth? Do anything you want." And so I made a dress for my doll. And from thereon, you know, I was – he says, "I'm going to give you a job. There was the floor walking. I want you to help me. When some work is wrong, you tell them that; show them what they did wrong. We take it out of the block." I said, "I don't have enough education for that." She says, "Well, just mark one dress out." And from thereon, you know, when I get away, [unintelligible - 00:09:33] I could hand in my papers and mark with kind of cloth, how many yards, what I did and all that. So that's how I learned it, at work. WAYNE LUCIER: Where was this first place? It was in -- MARY MENDOZA: Silverman and Sons, New Bedford, Mass. I worked there nine years. It's a dress shop. And from then on, I get out of there was, well, I don't like to get myself fancy [battle], but it doesn't work with me. But I used to be an assistant to the floor walk. She put me like, you know, there's [above] a hundred bills' work and there 400 bills is a lot of work and we checked the work. And anything that we think that wasn't going to pass, we put it in a box and I sit in a machine next to the office and fix it in some way, surely it can be done. She said, "Use your imagination. Whatever you do, it's done." Those days we're making, I think it was $14 a week. And boy, that was a big pay for me. It was big, because the other girls were making five or six dollars. And I thought, see, the language didn't do… I pay attention to what she said, because I could scribble like any human being that comes from Europe and he 6 takes that paper with their parents with somebody there that they know from [unintelligible - 00:10:49], they can do it. In three months' time, I could write a letter. Not like you do, or you know, the people who go to school, but I could write it. If I could do it those days, then everything goes so slow. The kids today are so smart. They want me to tell me that they need all this spending money and that they do it or not. Oh, I wish I had the chance to talk to that [girl]. He's trying now, but I think it's a bit late. Well, never too late, I guess, they say. So that's the way it is. And, you know, the two of us together, we bought our home. We always had our car. I don't call my house luxury because everything is going to be 40 years that I'm married next April. So everything is old but that. The rest is all furnished. They rented things that is in there. It's not all new, but it's not the one, the furnishing I had. And still, you know, we're happy, until this crooked stuff come up. That's the only complaint I got about it. Not the country, but the politicians. I love the country. WAYNE LUCIER: Do you belong in any clubs? MARY MENDOZA: No. I belong to the guild in the church but I quit, because in some of them, we go to the cottage so I never – I mean no meats or nothing, so I told the priest, I can't belong to anything which we enjoy very much when we go down there. It's just a little weekend near the water. WAYNE LUCIER: Where's this? MARY MENDOZA: In the Buzzards Bay. Fairhaven is the town. We pay the tax. And now you can't even go there. That's not funny when you work so hard and we had so much. The country have plenty and look what… Oh, gosh, going… I don't know. No matter what I say, it ends up on the… And I was so happy that I was going to retire this year. And, you know, going here, not going too much in it anyway. Just going a bit, that's enough good time for me. And I don't do any more than I would do at home, but just go and wipe my feet, go in the water, that I enjoy very much and the air. That's the way things are now. You stay home and get old to the point 7 that there's no faith of any kind all because of the… oh, gosh, no, it's really terrible. And the young people, they have so much power. There's so much – not understanding, they don't have any, but so much knowledge, and yet they don't put it to good use. They put it to steal. That people can't keep their doors, they can't go out in peace and say, "When I want to go home, would I have the junks that I left home?" It's not a – I don't know, you can't put into words. WAYNE LUCIER: Things have to get better anyway. MARY MENDOZA: Oh, they have to because if this is it, the good Lord will punish all of us, because, you know, it's really too much. They go stealing. Murderers walk free. That's really… Only they think they're doing some good to themselves, and how wrong they are. There going to be a time where they don't have no body and no soul to go with it. WAYNE LUCIER: What type of education did you have? MARY MENDOZA: Fifth grade? WAYNE LUCIER: What city was it? MARY MENDOZA: Oh, it was in New Bedford, A. Lincoln School, Abraham Lincoln Elementary School that I went to. And there was sitting among us, there's love for the Abraham Lincoln story that I could learn most anything. And I was 17 years old already. WAYNE LUCIER: Do they mix boys and girls in classes? MARY MENDOZA: Yeah. Then it's always the funny ones that don't want to learn. They're cracking jokes, and there's a couple of serious ones. I don't know, she says, "Well, you don't belong with these. Where did you go to school?" I said, "I didn't." I went to school, you know, in Europe, in school which [unintelligible - 00:14:48] high school I finished there. But that was it. Over there, they call it high school the way I -- it's different, the grades from here. WAYNE LUCIER: You went to school in Europe? MARY MENDOZA: Yes, I finished the school. WAYNE LUCIER: What type of school?8 MARY MENDOZA: Regular school, but I finished almost the secondary of high school in Portuguese. WAYNE LUCIER: Was it harder over there? Is the school harder? MARY MENDOZA: Well, we don't have no fun. We go to all the school at 8:00 and we get out at 4:00. And now, we have after that, it's one hour for dinner. WAYNE LUCIER: So you learn the same things, too? MARY MENDOZA: You learn, you read, you write, you learn about the histories, about… well, most of it is reading and writing, see what other countries are doing. You get into a history which I was beginning to get into it other than… well, let's put it that way. I only have what would you call junior high, huh. WAYNE LUCIER: Yeah. MARY MENDOZA: Yeah. And we don't learn no stitching, no cooking, no nothing. That's up to our mothers to teach us that. That's the difference of our country, make the people work and learn and love it at the same time. And when you get home, you do what your mother tells you. You do wash clothes, you iron clothes, you wash dishes, and you help, you know, when they bake bread. It's really an interesting life, though. We do a lot more. Here, everything is bought. When they get the rough going, they can't take it. I remember these things; we get our potatoes, our beans and all that. I was fortunate that I never had to do anything like that. Because it – that St. Michael resources, the woman don't work. The men work like the devil, but they don't do any wives' work either. It's men's work and men's work, and the woman does its washing, cleaning, and that's it, and cooking, of course, and trying to mend the clothes and make their own clothes. Now I guess, I understand everything is different. It's 40 years. I haven't been there now. I was too young to… but what I remember, I remember vividly, though. And that's the way I learned to… you learn to read, you learn some manners. The girls stay in the middle of school and the boys stays on one row in the sides, you know, facing the windows and the girls facing the teachers. And you then, when it's the 9 border, boys will sit like that and watch them. They were writing, they want us to figure that. That at school, that's what we had. That's why a kid there for with the second grade knows more than one over here at fifth grade. Because we have nothing, we have no basketball, no pitches, no nothing – just work, books, and they make you writing and they make you try to explain what you read, you know, how that means. That's the way they learn there which is the same thing over here. They give you a book and you read it and you have to explain that in your own words. But see, there's a difference. It's funny, though, only one hour a day that we had. So when you get to 12 years old, you have to pay for the school because that… WAYNE LUCIER: Who pays for the school? MARY MENDOZA: The parents, and if you don't have it, you stay out. WAYNE LUCIER: Really? MARY MENDOZA: My mother paid for my brothers, and they don't care. They were satisfied. Jimmy was the only one, but he's smart, though. But he likes his tea, strong tea. But he is a pretty, smart kid, and he writes like a professor, actually. And you know, that's the way we were. My brother's used to go, you know, in the farm, like a farm over here. It was about 100 acres of land and when she had it, it was enough to take care of all the children. And when nobody… then she could not – she signed her name, my grandma, but that's all she was interested into it, because she went to school a couple of years, and she says that don't give me no share at all of bread to eat. She quit it. And now, you know, but she worked hard. She didn't have to have no help, no. It's a farm. Of course, she worked there. She got up from 6:00 to 6:00 in those days. I don't remember my mother when I was little. She leave, I was asleep. She would come home, I was asleep. So finally, my grandmother says, "Leave her here." WAYNE LUCIER: She was working where? She wasn't working over there, right? MARY MENDOZA: In New Bedford. WAYNE LUCIER: New Bedford.10 MARY MENDOZA: She was 25 years in New Bedford thing, too hard, only he except two. Not three year, she used to go there every two or three years. She used to go spend the summer there. My father was there. They're rich here. A couple of rich people, my father, very rich, too. But his mother don't want him to marry my mother. And that was it, he was out. And they used to work there every three years, because he was a steam engineer, my father. And he used to – then, he used to make better than average, but he spent it, too. Every three years, he goes to Europe for six months; that's a pretty good life. But he was used to that. You couldn't take him out of it. All my father's people didn't got a home. They claim I have some relations here and I have seen that. I don't know them when I was little. Now, it doesn't feel that. That was an awful thing to do to your children. I've thought about it, they go look far, but on my father side, the lowest one, she's the head of a hospital in Sacramento, California. WAYNE LUCIER: What, your father's what? MARY MENDOZA: Sister. And the other one's, well, they come into paper not too long ago. They'll send it to me. There's your uncle's boy, got injured in [Madeira]. I just go, "Good for him." You know, it doesn't do me anything because we never saw – I only saw one cousin. He was a lawyer. And he was so bad. My mother didn't know what to do with himself. And she said – WAYNE LUCIER: Are you a citizen? MARY MENDOZA: I was born in this country so I consider myself as a citizen. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. Are you a Republican or a Democrat? MARY MENDOZA: A Democrat. WAYNE LUCIER: A faithful Democrat? MARY MENDOZA: Well, when it comes to good men, I never [unintelligible - 00:21:06], see I belong to this team, and I'm going to fight for it with all my heart if a good man is a good man, and an American is an American. That's all it means to me. But when Roosevelt came in, that was the first time that I voted. So that's when it went, not because I had any special feelings for any… And now, I still say, a 11 good man is a good man. If a Democrat is rotten, we don't root for him. WAYNE LUCIER: Have you ever become involved in a political party, working for a candidate? MARY MENDOZA: No, I never did. WAYNE LUCIER: And what are your feelings about the state government? Is it a useful tool? How was it? MARY MENDOZA: About what the state does? WAYNE LUCIER: The state, yeah. MARY MENDOZA: I don't know. I don't think I'm going to get to those answers because that gets me mad. Oh, no, the state did to me, I think more the city, what the city does than the state. WAYNE LUCIER: What does the city do, then? Is it better than the state? MARY MENDOZA: No, they're copying the state; that's why they call Fitchburg "the Little Watergate." Yeah, and that's… I don't know much about it. So just now, I have no special feeling for the government and even scared of anybody that works for them, because they all – not all, thank God for that. There's a dozen of good ones there somewhere. I don't think they're doing their job. That's – is that a good enough answer? WAYNE LUCIER: That's good. Have you ever experienced any language barriers or problems, you know, when you first, you know, say in your education or today or…? MARY MENDOZA: No, seeing that I'm not much of a social… I really don't… Never bothered me not knowing, I never go any places that I have to be put on. I fall asleep pretty soon. WAYNE LUCIER: How about, have you ever experienced any discrimination in your job due to your language or to your background? MARY MENDOZA: No, that's another left wing. They call this… they're "Oh, we don't like this guy and their people." I never even thought about it. Where I worked, there was a Jewish girl next to me. On the Friday, we eat meat and she eat… we eat fish and she'd eat meat. I ask her, "Why do you do that?" She said, "Well, our religion doesn't call… we don't eat this, we don't eat that." I thought, 12 "Well, it's her own way. Let her do the way she wants." To me, you know, she was – then there's a colored girl then, in [unintelligible - 00:23:34], I didn't understand half of the things she says, the way she talked. But still to me, "She was one of the workers," I said. I don't think there's no discrimination. That's the politicians just make that. And the Black people, they holler that they're getting hurt. They don't think of the White ones, they're getting the same thing. It's the workers that… I can't explain it. The states got the power to come in our pay envelopes and take in the government, to take out [unintelligible - 00:24:05] and we can't say nothing about it. They would have the power to say, "You do wrong, you pay." And we take just so much. And we can't do that, you know. We're not going to do it. You know, I have a son, they need schools. They close the schools. And in Route 12, they got a nice-looking school. It's a small school, but it's all boarded up. And yet we have no own, and then they keep sending for the kids, when they let their kids to come from all over the place. Immigration should be, come down to nothing now, until we get these things straight. Then when they open the immigration ports, they should be slow. Not the way they are, because they – among those immigrants, there's a lot of troublemakers. And that's why our country is rotten and the president is… I don't want to get to talk about him because of his… This is a weekend. WAYNE LUCIER: How about when you went looking for a house? Did you ever have any trouble finding a house, you know? MARY MENDOZA: No, never trouble of that. I always was lucky to find a nice home. Even when I come to Fitchburg, you know, I thought that was really, oh, it's a French town, and I had no trouble of any kind. I moved over here. They say, "You don't only stay here a couple of years." I saw the French. I said, "Well, what's the difference? They're people." WAYNE LUCIER: Who said that?13 MARY MENDOZA: Some of my neighbors. This one is German. She's says, "Oh, you won't like it." I never liked her. I said, "Look, that's their house. This is my house. We all belong to the same…" I never had no trouble. Honestly, I never did. WAYNE LUCIER: Okay. Do you think Fitchburg has decent job opportunities? Let's say, when you came here. Did they have enough jobs when you first came to Fitchburg? MARY MENDOZA: It's better than the average city, though. They get… well, like not every city has [AEG] and they're the ones that complain that they not making enough. But they have the paper mills which you always pay better than the shops. I think Fitchburg has more opportunities than some big cities. WAYNE LUCIER: Even today? MARY MENDOZA: Even today, if people want to work. And the government was fair, and they say, "Look, somebody is sick." Does this sound good? If somebody is… well, like my grandma, she was really an invalid that could do no more. She could not take care of herself. I could pick her up. You know, you need help, that's fine. I'll be glad that they give them people, whatever they need. But when these people, they got to go to the hairdresser every month. I haven't been to hairdresser for two years. I get by, passing, I'm no beauty, but I never try to please the outside world, just my own family. And I don't understand it when they… if they do that, they give so much. And yeah, they get people to have the feeling of doing something for themselves. Like now, you're a young boy, but you're taking care of your home. You used to come here, "See, I did this myself." You learn to love that house. But there's a lot of people, my daughter in law told me the other day, she says, "I'm going to change this living room." I said, "Why?" She says, "It's because it's my work. And I love this house." I could see what she – she was wanting to work. Some of these people, they just don't want to work; that's why the city of Fitchburg has a lot of jobs and still pretty good. The only thing that was wrong with that 14 baby [feast], that's why, you know, we hire… young men's going to have a hard time to get in. WAYNE LUCIER: Who? MARY MENDOZA: Some men. WAYNE LUCIER: Oh, yeah. MARY MENDOZA: When the rough, when things get rough, you walk out. And he's good, he's good nothing. This, you know, maybe this don't mean anything to the reevaluation. This is an awful thing they did to Fitchburg that destroyed their faith, the city, and made people swearing and got… well, they got to go to office. Because the reevaluation, I'm paying the rent in this house. That's what's wrong, very wrong. And yet, they mean to tell me they can't do anything about it, the mayor. WAYNE LUCIER: There's a new one coming, anyway. MARY MENDOZA: Well, I'm going to tell you something. He's not much when it comes to speeches and to looks and all that. He's an old man. But I'm sure he's not going to make it worse. If the councils work with him, he's going to be better than the lawyer. Lawyers always have riches and all that. I think that's why Black Walden stay in, not because he was a bad man, because he's a lawyer. People get so scared, that Watergate, that… You know, it's true. That's why I hope and I hope the council works with him. But he was against the reevaluation. But no, they'll be faced with evaluation. It's bad if some don't pay, some don't own… Do you think it's fair in your own mind that I pay about $18 a week for taxes in this house, between $17 and $18 just for taxes? WAYNE LUCIER: Well, you wouldn't mind paying them if you saw it – I don't mind paying as long as I see something for it, I mean, the money helping somebody, you know, that deserves it. You know what I mean? MARY MENDOZA: Oh, there's a lot of people that deserve, you know, I like to put it, deserve help, that they have no way of going to work. But there's also these people… You know, in Europe, a girl has a baby, she's not married, she's got to struggle. And the second time she has one, they put her away. That's why they have people over there, 15 they think they're straight. They're not. The government is straight. They don't go and help all kinds, you know, induce them to have it, so the others can support it. That's the wrong thing, too. But a girl falls into a misfortune the first time, sure, I give her the help that she needs. But you hear them telling you, "Oh, I'm not going to work. If I go to work, I get less than what I get from the welfare." I don't know. Then they pay babysitters, they have to have a day where… I don't know. I don't understand it anymore. I know that's not the way I do things, the way they do it. The taxes are too high, and there's still people that didn't get no reevaluation at all. They say every five houses, they skip one. Well, I wasn't the lucky one. But one of their men came over here and see the house, if you only know what I felt like doing. So the government is turning the people into killers and to… Oh, boy, if I had a gun, I think I'd shoot him. Yeah, I wouldn't shoot him to kill him, but I'd say, "I want you to get out." But who is making the fuss? Just me, not because I take it to see how we don't know… we're not stupid. Now, one of these days, they're going to get it. People are going to revolt. Boy, and it's not going to be fun and God have mercy on all of us. So it's good that we go out and try to bring peace with them. It takes a lot of it. So that's the way I think of our government and I hope somebody feels better than I do. WAYNE LUCIER: How is your leisure time spent now away from work? MARY MENDOZA: That's it. We go to the summer cottage in summer. In winter, we save, save so we can go in the summer. And we go and every other week, we stay there a week, three days. Now that, I figured, maybe I could stay there and all, biggest part of the week then come back. I'd never liked to stay there, let's say all summer, no. My son and my grandchildren are here. So my heart stays in Fitchburg, too. I'm divided. But that was enough fun for me. Got my family and my husband's family, they're all from there. They come and stay with us. I call that a lot of fun. They don't live there. They live around there. They come and spend the day with us and we go in the water. We talk to our neighbors. That kind of, you know, it 16 was just some things that I never had a chance to do when I'm working. That's my pastime. I don't like big crowds. I like little gatherings, but I don't like big crowds. I don't like going for dances and –/AT/jf/cp/ee