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An overview of the liberation of colonized countries around the world in the 19th & 20th centuries traces the succession of European to US hegemony, examines postcolonial relations in Afro-Asiatic countries since the 1950s/1960s, looks at the rise in militarism in sub-Saharan Africa, & discusses Third World industrial armies & the importation of immigrant workers into European countries such as France & GB. It is argued that decolonization has led not to independence, but to economic hegemony, a situation in which the industrialized nations remain in control. Given the overlapping interests of various multinational companies, the term multinational imperialism is thought to best describe the postcolonial global situation. 3 References. C. Brennan

Le problème que je pose dans ce cadre consiste à voir quel sont les pratiques des médias de service public à l'égard des représentations de la diversité religieuse et, plus précisément, à l'égard des représentations de transmission et communication de la foi dans deux pays européens dont l'un fort religieux et l'autre fort laïc, la Roumanie et la France. Il est question de voir en quoi le discours des médias publics sur la diversité n'altère pas le principe de la laïcité, la neutralité, le respect du pluralisme et l'intégralité des consciences. Pour ce faire, je vais retenir deux cas de figure, deux émissions télévisées diffusées sur les chaînes publiques de télévision en France et en Roumanie: l'émission "Le jour du Seigneur", avec ses déclinaisons d'intitulé au fil du temps "Programme du dimanche" et "Les chemins de la foi", diffusée sur France 2 et "Universul credintei" ("l'Univers de la foi") diffusée sur TVR1. En considérant ces deux programmes de télévision, je vais tenter de répondre globalement aux questionnements suivants: est-ce que tous les mouvements religieux sont-ils présents dans les médias audiovisuels publics autant que les acteurs des confessions religieuses traditionnellement implantées? Oui, c'est une réalité, certains mouvements disposent de leurs propres chaînes, mais leur présence sur leurs chaînes privées ne remplace pas un droit par un autre. S'agit-t-il alors d'une situation de monopole et de visibilité maximale des courants religieux dominants dans l'espace public au travers des médias publics? Plus de normalisation garantit plus d'accès compte tenu que le principe de laïcité prévoit l'égalité et l'absence de hiérarchie entre les différentes croyances et cultes?

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'.

Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2025) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grass-roots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'.

Throughout the year the controversial legislative elections dominated the political landscape. Huge anti-government demonstrations that called in vain for political alternance. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party, however without the expected constitutional amendment majority. Therefore, the prime minister and his cabinet were replaced. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e. g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. Unemployment and lacking political change caused increasing migration.