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In der Tradition der kritischen Theorie der Gesellschaft wird in diesem Aufsatz versucht, einen Begriff der esoterischen Ideologie zu entwickeln. Zu diesem Zweck wird Paul Heelas' Definition des New Age als Self-spirituality immanent kritisiert und mit Material aus dem Werk des Esoterikers Thorwald Dethlefsen konfrontiert. Es werden die einzelnen laut Heelas zur Self-spirituality gehörenden Elemente - (wahres) Selbst, Ego, Gesellschaft - untersucht und die Widersprüche der Bestimmungen hervorgekehrt. Die Untersuchung kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass sich hinter der von Heelas behaupteten höchsten Autorität des Selbst in Wirklichkeit die Autorität des Schicksals verbirgt. Denn die esoterische Suche nach dem wahren Selbst strebt danach, durch vollkommene Unterwerfung unter das Schicksal mit diesem zu verschmelzen und so an dessen Macht teilzuhaben. Anstatt der Selbstvergottung ist die selbstvergessene Schicksalsvergottung das Wesen der Esoterik. Die esoterische Ideologie wird in dem Aufsatz jedoch nicht als Absonderlichkeit bloßgestellt, sondern als ein Symptom der spätkapitalistischen Gesellschaft gedeutet, die den ihr Unterworfenen als ein undurchdringliches Verhängnis erscheint. Die Arbeit beansprucht nicht nur, zur Kritik der esoterischen Ideologie beizutragen, sondern auch zur Kritik derjenigen Religionswissenschaft, die unkritisch das Selbstmissverständnis ihres Gegenstandes übernimmt.

Examines past & present religious & political fundamentalism in Japan & assesses its societal impact. Central to the analysis are the institutional (expressed in religious & political structures) & diffuse (general public awareness spread by mass media) aspects of these fundamentalisms. Japanese prewar political fundamentalism is described as expressing both these aspects as a civil religion founded & enforced by the government & spread through official religions, parareligious groups, & the media. The actions & ideologies of contemporary Japanese political fundamentalist groups, expressed in terrorist acts, legal challenges, textbook revision efforts, & nationalist sentiments, are analyzed. The growth & ideologies of Japan's pre-& post-WWII "new religions," which present alternatives to Shintoism & Buddhism, are discussed, arguing that these movements are more opportunistic than fundamentalist. While political fundamentalism has for the moment been limited to select, underground groups, the conditions for its success could arise again. Bibliog. T. Arnold

Article on the use of the media of religious propaganda as newsworthy to attract the attention of readers. The author analyzes the goals, objectives and directions of state regulation of the media for the socialization of religious propaganda. Religion is considered in the article as an instrument of social control of citizen's behavior.

It is argued that the success of social movements in achieving social change is dependent on their being able to produce "rhetorical packages that explain their claims within extant, culturally legitimate boundaries." This fact helps illuminate why so many US social movements have been based in religious communities or used religious symbols & rhetoric to promote their ideologies. The internal dynamics of movement framing are linked to the external context of the public culture from which movement rhetoric is drawn. The function of religious language -- particularly the symbolic repertoire of American Protestantism -- as social movement rhetoric is described, suggesting that such language operates as a particular form of social movement ideology. The use of religious rhetoric by social movements on both the Right & the Left is demonstrated, arguing that such usage contributes to "the democratic culture of the contemporary public sphere." The use of the term "beloved community" by the civil rights movement & "family values" by the Christian Right is offered as illustration, highlighting the significance of two key themes -- universalism & symbolic boundary maintenance -- in US religious culture. K. Hyatt Stewart

After distinguishing the North American Protestant fundamentalism from other conservative Christian groups, the main characteristics of this movement, including evangelism, inerrancy, premillennialism, & separatism, are discussed. These characteristics evolved as a response to late-19th-century conflicts in northeastern urban areas of Canada & the US, eventually becoming the dominant ideologies. Organizational structures that grew to spread these ideologies within & without the movement are described, along with its changing goals & activities. The growth of Bible colleges & institutes, publishing & broadcasting, & political radicalism is traced. Restructuring of the movement after 1976, its successful organization of conservative Christians, & prominence in national politics are analyzed, along with new variations on fundamentalism. While fundamentalists will continue to be a force in North American culture, their future visibility & activities remain in question. Bibliog. T. Arnold

Compares two Islamic revivalist movements in South Asia, the Jamaat-i-Islami & the Tablighi Jamaat, with different strategies for Islamic revival. The emergence, growth, ideologies, & organization of each group & their bases of support are described. The highly organized, hierarchical Jamaat-i-Islami has more political goals, ie, establishing an Islamist state, while the apolitical Tablighi Jamaat seeks to reform & uplift the individual. The Jamaat-i-Islami is seen as a neofundamentalist movement with complementary political-ideological & cultural-religious elements & little electoral success. The Tablighi Jamaat is presented as a truly international Islamic movement that has mobilized large numbers of Muslims & better connected them to Islamic religious institutions & orthodox teachings. The impact of their contrasting positions on social, cultural, economic, & political issues faced by Muslims in South Asia is assessed. It is concluded that both movements have attempted to deal with the modern world by selecting pieces of the past to strengthen current Islam. 3 Tables, Bibliog. T. Arnold

The transformation of the Gush Emunim underground movement into a radical terrorist organization is examined. A historical overview of the Gush Emunim's emergence within contemporary Israeli society illustrates the conditions responsible for its formation. The subsequent radicalization of the group throughout the late 1970s is discussed, emphasizing the murder of 6 Israeli students & the group's attack against 5 prominent Arab leaders in May 1980. It is contended that the ideological foundation for Gush Emunim combined messianism & fundamentalism; Gush Emunim leader Yehuda Etzion's theory of active redemption, which advocated the destruction of Harem El Sharif at the Temple Dome in Jerusalem, is examined. It is asserted that Etzion's agenda played a significant role in transforming Gush Emunim's idealism into an idealistic terrorist organization. The group's subsequent transformation into a professional terrorist group is addressed, accentuating the organization's participation in vigilante terrorism. It is concluded that messianic movements that emerge in intranational ethnic conflict are particularly vulnerable to embracing terrorist tactics. J. W. Parker

An examination of the life, teachings, & legacy of Tsunesaburo Makiguchi, a Japanese educational reformer & founder of the Soka Gakkai Buddhist movement, who promoted more holistic approaches to the learning process. The meaning of "value-creating education" is discussed, along with Makiguchi's struggle against the dominant voices of the time, in an attempt to find more humane ways to teach young people. His philosophy was rooted in traditional wisdom & a sense of place, & centered on education as a means to nurture self-discovery, a sense of purpose, appreciation for work, & a love of life. Makiguchi's legacy for the 21st century highlights the need for community; the imperative that humans understand & care for the earth; & the value of character-nurturing education. Intimate ties with the earth, & feelings of responsibility toward it, were basic to Makiguchi's conceptions because he feared a global environmental crisis resulting from the disappearance of inhabitants rooted in communities & appreciative of their habitat. He believed education was meant to encourage students to become "joyful, self-directing, self-actualizing, socially conscious members of society.". J. Lindroth

According to the author, James Madison, a major architect of American constitutional government, operated from a deep Christian commitment & perspective. First, Madison's family background & education are described, which provided him with Christian theology, republican political theory, & the Calvinist notion of work (in his case a political career) as divine calling. Examples of his historical shifts between Lockean liberal & classical republican ideologies, often viewed as inconsistent, are attributed to his Christian worldview. For him, the main goal of religious freedom was to serve the cause of Christian evangelism. Finally, examples of religious perspective in "The Federalist Papers" & examples of Christian language in his political writings are given. D. Miller

Empirically examines the impact of religion on unconventional political participation in Central America, assesses how the extent of that impact is conditioned by differing sociopolitical contexts, & compares attitudes of parish priests & the laity toward political protest. Data were obtained from mass surveys (identical questionnaires) undertaken in 1991-1992 in Nicaragua, El Salvador, & Guatemala, as well as interviews carried out in 1993-1994 with 142 Nicaraguan Catholic priests. The findings affirmed that religion has an impact on protest politics, & the results of multivariate analysis indicated that religious factors were much stronger determinants of variations in support for protest than psychological or demographic factors, & second to political factors like ideology. However, the absence of certain religious attitudes/practices, such as doctrinal rigidity & frequent church attendance, were the strongest predictors of approval for unconventional participation, suggesting the influence of the progressive church is more limited than generally thought. Differences between priests' & the general public's attitudes toward protest politics were too general to be analytically significant. 6 Tables, 5 Figures, 81 References. J. Lindroth

The emergence of the "Islam industry," an ideology-based strategy of manipulating American public opinion into supporting a culture war against fundamentalist Islam & embracing moderate, pro-democracy Islamic movements, in the contemporary US is examined. A review of various works published after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks indicated the emergence of an ideological movement within the US that delineated Islam as anti-modernist, anti-secular, & dangerously fundamentalist. It is stressed that few works identified the circumstances that prompted Islamic guardedness toward American society & eventually militant Islam; therefore, the conditions that engendered radical Islam are documented, eg, Israel's regional foreign policy during the 1960s & 1970s & the failure to enhance the socio-economic status of the poor classes in Algeria & Morocco. It is concluded that the Islam industry forced US foreign policymakers to advance counterproductive policies in order to prevent fundamentalist Islamic movements from acquiring national power. J. W. Parker

Compares two movements of organized Hinduism in India, the Arya Samaj & Rashtriya Svayamasevak Sangh (RSS), highlighting differences in their goals, strategies, ideologies, organization, & bases of support. Their respective histories are traced, focusing on the impact of colonialism, adaptation of Western models, & partition & independence. Founders of each group created different forms of Hindu identity, drawing on a wide range of Hindu scriptures, laws, & philosophies, with Arya Samaj's use of Vedic authority contrasted with the RSS's ideology of the Hindu Nation. The bases of the groups' organizational structures in their concepts of their role in the larger Hindu community are described as individual initiative (Arya Samaj) & central leadership (RSS). Political & social roles of each group are analyzed, emphasizing their participation in elections & party politics. It is demonstrated how the experience of colonialism has shaped the current situation, leading to growing fundamentalism & mob violence. It is concluded that the forces driving activist Hinduism have more to do with establishing Hindu rule than promoting Hindu values & practices. Bibliog. T. Arnold

Concludes an edited Vol on the nature & extent of cultural wars in the contemporary US by summarizing critiques of the cultural war thesis. According to James Hunter (1991) & others, the US is currently experiencing an increase in cultural polarization, especially along orthodox/progressive lines. Contributors have leveled several criticisms at this thesis: (1) A single continuum is unable to capture the variety of US opinions & attitudes toward contentious political issues. (2) Connections between worldviews, opinion, & political action are more tenuous than Hunter claims. (3) Hunter has erred in taking the rhetoric of cultural conflict at face value without developing empirical evidence for underlying cultural tensions. It is suggested that the process Hunter identifies -- the polarization of ideologies leading to uncompromising conflict -- is a process of social movement mobilization in contemporary politics rather than evidence of a deep division in the US polity. Viewed in this light, Hunter's thesis of the escalation of cultural conflict may be broadly supported at an institutionalized political level & yet be less pertinent to narrower forms of individualized beliefs & attitudes. D. M. Ryfe

Examines wife abuse in Muslim communities of Toronto, Ontario, as one aspect of the conflict between traditional communities & Canadian norms/laws central to the multiculturalism debate, drawing on 1994 focused interviews with 13 Muslims & 5 non-Muslims. Emphasis is on the provision of culturally sensitive social services by matching Muslim clients with Muslim practitioners. A wide range of Islamic perspectives was explored to highlight the ideological debate in the diverse Muslim community. Nine Muslim respondents identified themselves primarily with religion & indicated that their views on wife abuse were framed by Islamic codes of conduct. The other 4 Muslims identified themselves in terms of their ethnic-cultural community. Significant differences of opinion about the nature/causes of wife abuse were revealed, even among the religious Muslims, who expressed different interpretations of Islamic scripture. All Muslim respondents expressed negative assessments of mainstream counseling services. It is contended that the Islamic pluralism in Toronto precludes simplistic generalizations about "the" Muslim view on spousal abuse. 18 References. J. Lindroth