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Argues that descriptive representatives (persons who typify the larger class of the people they stand for) are better able to serve their constituents in situations of communicative distrust or uncrystallized interests. The functions & benefits of descriptive representation are examined. Contexts in which communication between representative & constituents is likely to be undermined by mistrust are described, along with circumstances in which horizontal communication among representatives serves to crystallize legislative issues. It is maintained that there are two forms of descriptive representation: the "microcosmic" form, in which the entire assembly is designed to form a representative sample of the electorate; & the "selective" form, in which institutional design is intended to give selected legislative groups greater descriptive representation in order to bring proportions of those groups closer to their percentages in the population. The costs & benefits of both forms are analyzed. It is concluded that descriptive representation is not always necessary & should be evaluated in terms of whether the benefits exceed the costs. J. Lindroth

Discussion begins with a look at September 11, 2001, as an event per Jean-Luc Nancy (2000) & the Bush administration's process of hegemonization, which centers on an "us vs them" binary equal to the civilized West vs the barbarous Other. This has resulted in an elision between terrorist & radical as seen in New Republic editor Peter Beinart's (2001) condemnation of the antiglobalization movement, which includes critical reference to Michael Hardt & Antonio Negri's Empire (2000). September 11 is preserved as an event, retaining its political character, so as to resist the manner in which it has already become hegemonized. At issue is the relationship between representation & response. The logic of violence in the totalizing mobilization of the Bush administration's counterterrorism is examined as an expansion of the event. This response relies on a representation based on the civility-barbarism split, which ignores US Christian & capitalist fundamentalisms while vilifying Islamic fundamentalism. In this light is positioned Hardt & Negri's idea that radical politics is unrepresentable; thus, their account of representation is scrutinized. By eschewing representation, they do not provide the tools necessary to resist the hegemony of global capital's militarization, essentially adding to the Bush administration's assault on representative democracy. How the event can be represented so that a better response might ensue is then considered, finding that Hardt & Negri's multitude, nation, & Empire lack the capacity to offer another ethnopolitical response to September 11, whereas the divisive representation in a politics born of partisanship might provide the resources needed for a more adequate response. J. Zendejas

Discusses the relationship between representative democracy & judicial authority, with focus on the degree that citizens can influence judicial institutions regarding public policy interests & the variation of this influence between countries in North America, Europe, & Asia-Pacific. An examination of public interest suits & levels of judicial discretion reveal the degree that courts are used as an arena for policy innovation. Variables scrutinized include separation of powers, nature & scope of rights enforceable in courts, & the ability to challenge state authorities in court. Conclusions are drawn regarding the regional differences in judicial policy discretion & the policy objectives of public interests. 6 Tables, 3 Figures. L. Collins Leigh

Investigates the representational content of the virtual reality experience produced by Dactyl Nightmare (trademarked name), a game played on a Virtuality Ltd. 1000CS Cyberspace unit. Typically, cultural meanings of embodiment in virtual reality are analyzed in terms of formal, textual, or symbolic representations. It is suggested that this method fails to account for how corporeality in virtual systems is produced precisely through the level of embodiment. It is in the act of negotiating one's digital self that cultural meanings are reproduced. Crucial to this act of negotiation is how bodies are already produced & mediated as digital in other, nondigital domains. Thus, in Dactyl Nightmare, the digital self is framed by many familiar forms of media, eg, TV drama & advertising, before a participant enters the digital world. It is shown that, in this game, standardized methods of imagining the digital self intersect with individual histories in such a way that participants are required to choose to participate or to resist those standardized virtual subjectivities. Rather than producing a singular subjectivity, virtual games such as Dactyl Nightmare present contradictions that may be worked out in numerous ways. 40 References. D. Ryfe

Discourses from interviews with 61 community activists in multiethnic & racialized Montreal neighborhoods on citizenship issues were compared with citizenship discourse in Canada & Quebec. In light of the changed nature & shifting sources of immigration in the 1990s, the requirements for Canadian citizenship have been tightened in order to strengthen social cohesion & defuse Quebec's sovereignist claims. On the other hand, Quebec seeks to consolidate the unity of its political community & create a sense of belonging. Per qualitative analysis of the interview, the activists still identified with their countries of origin, yet had to consider their state-legislated ethnic identity either by adamantly rejecting it or adopting it. They felt treated like second-class Canadian or Quebec citizens, but were more affiliated with Quebec than Canada for civic identity, even while rejecting Quebec's sovereignist claims. There was a gap between their understanding of Canadian citizenship & the government's, especially in terms of dual citizenship, discrimination, & the imposition of the French language in Quebec. 1 Appendix, 47 References. M. Pflum

Discourses from interviews with 61 community activists in multiethnic & racialized Montreal neighborhoods on citizenship issues were compared with citizenship discourse in Canada & Quebec. In light of the changed nature & shifting sources of immigration in the 1990s, the requirements for Canadian citizenship have been tightened in order to strengthen social cohesion & defuse Quebec's sovereignist claims. On the other hand, Quebec seeks to consolidate the unity of its political community & create a sense of belonging. Per qualitative analysis of the interview, the activists still identified with their countries of origin, yet had to consider their state-legislated ethnic identity either by adamantly rejecting it or adopting it. They felt treated like second-class Canadian or Quebec citizens, but were more affiliated with Quebec than Canada for civic identity, even while rejecting Quebec's sovereignist claims. There was a gap between their understanding of Canadian citizenship & the government's, especially in terms of dual citizenship, discrimination, & the imposition of the French language in Quebec. 1 Appendix, 47 References. M. Pflum

Representations of violence in Pandav Lila, a traditional ritual dramatization of India's epic Mahabharata, are examined to show that the indigenous category of varna (class) is just as important as "gender" in understanding these representations. The discussion is guided by the theoretical assumption that public ritual events are significant sites of collective self-definition. Performances of Pandav Lila, found only in Uttar Pradesh, involve recitations, music, dance, & drama. All residents participate in these performances, which usually take place only once in a generation in any single village. The epic is a story of a cataclysmic war & violence is prominent. Although the characters who participate in violence are mostly male, certain female characters are among the most violent. Representations of both male & female violence are described & interpreted to illustrate the strong influence of the Hindu concept of class. It is noted that both male & female Rajputs participate in violent acts (sacrifice) & dramatizations of them, while individuals from other classes do not. 14 References. J. Lindroth

Die Autoren berichten über die Ergebnisse einer empirischen Untersuchung zu den politischen Meinungen in der städtischen Bevölkerung in Angola und Mosambik. Sie stellen die Ergebnisse der qualitativen Vorstudie und der quantitativen Hauptstudie aus den Jahren 2003 bis 2005 getrennt dar und erläutern zuvor die analytischen Problemstellungen und methodischen Verfahren der Untersuchung. Im Unterschied zu eher begrenzten Forschungen zur politischen Kultur wurden mikroanalytische Erweiterungen vorgenommen, indem das soziale Denken über Politik in den Mittelpunkt gestellt wurde. Die Autoren unterscheiden hierzu aus sozialpsychologischer Perspektive zwischen den kognitiven, evaluativen, affektiven und verhaltensbezogenen Dimensionen der Einstellungen gegenüber Politik. Sie diskutieren die Ergebnisse von offenen, halbstrukturierten Interviews sowie einer repräsentativen Bevölkerungsbefragung vor dem Hintergrund der politischen Entwicklungen in Geschichte und Gegenwart der beiden Länder Angola und Mosambik. (ICI). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2003 bis 2005.