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Intro -- Titel -- Impressum -- In Memoriam -- Inhalt | Indice -- Giorgio Mezzalira/Günther Pallaver: Eine Tagung zum Rechtsextremismus in Südtirol Un convegno sull'estrema destra in Alto Adige A conference on the far right extremism in Alto Adige/Südtirol -- Giorgio Mezzalira/Günther Pallaver: Rechtsextremismus. Eine Annäherung L'estrema destra. Uno sguardo d'insieme -- Guido Margheri: L'estrema destra in Italia. Lo spazio di senso in comune della destra plurale -- Kathrin Glösel/Hanna Lichtenberger: Rechtsextremismus in Österreich. Akteure, Straftaten und Gegenstrategien -- Bernhard Weidinger: "… daß deutscher Boden deutsch bleibt". Österreichische Burschenschaften und der Südtirol-Konflikt nach 1945 -- Giorgio Mezzalira: A passo di tartaruga. La nuova estrema destra italiana in Alto Adige -- Johannes Kramer/Alexander Fontó/Lukas Tröger/Max Volgger: Die "Südfront" im Kontext. Neonazistische Szene in Südtirol 1990-2015: Ein Dokumentationsprojekt, ein Ereignisabriss und erste Erkenntnisse -- Leopold Steurer: Südtirol und der Rechtsextremismus. Über "Urangst"-Politik, Geschichtsrevisionismus und rechte Seilschaften -- Wir danken | ringraziamo | our thanks to -- Autorinnen und Autoren | Autori.

The recent book La meritocrazia by Salvatore Cingari is the most in-depth attempt so far, not only in Italy, to reconstruct the debate between supporters and critics – intellectuals and politicians – of the meritocracy. The countries most closely studied are Great Britain, United States, Italy and France. The book narrates that the word «meritocracy» was coined in England in the second half of the fifties with a meaning which is just the opposite of that implied by the common sense: pejorative, distopyc, satiric, antiegualitarian, sexist. Then the book narrates that the original meaning of the word has been completely reversed, first of all in the States of the sixties and seventies, and has become synonimous, at the same time, of efficiency, equality, justice. This reversed meaning of the common sense is paradoxical, because quite often those who invoke more meritocracy do not realise that they are not invoking more legality or honesty, but more inequality, maybe at one's own expense ; Il recente libro La meritocrazia di Salvatore Cingari è il tentativo finora più ampio, non solo in Italia, di ricostruire il dibattito fra sostenitori e critici – intellettuali e politici - della meritocrazia. I Paesi studiati più da vicino sono Gran Bretagna, Stati Uniti, Italia e Francia. Il libro racconta che la parola «meritocrazia» è stata coniata in Inghilterra nella seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta con un significato che è esattamente l'opposto di quello del senso comune: spregiativo, distopico, satirico, antiegualitario, sessista. Quindi il libro narra che il significato originario della parola è stato completamente ribaltato, prima di tutto negli Stati uniti degli anni Sessanta e Settanta, ed è divenuto sinonimo, allo stesso tempo, di efficienza, eguaglianza, giustizia. Questo significato rovesciato del senso comune è paradossale perché molto spesso coloro che invocano più meritocrazia non si rendono conto di invocare non più legalità o onestà, ma più diseguaglianza, magari a proprie spese.

The topic of this chapter is the political and cultural evolution of the Association de la Presse Latine (APL). Between 1923 and 1935 the APL organised 13 conferences both in Europe and in Central America, becoming a point of reference and a place to share ideas for right wings intellectuals across the Atlantic. Analysing the meetings' proceedings and the Association's monthly magazine, this chapter intends to shed a new light both on the study of the political project of pan-Latinism in a broader transnational perspective and on the reactionary intellectuals networks during the interwar period ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The changes in the electoral & party system at the beginning of the 1990s had clear consequences on attitudes & behavior of Italian ordinary citizens. By looking at the feature of political competition through the analysis of several public opinion surveys, three main results can be shown. First, with respect to the self-placement on the Left-Right dimension, Italian voters "discovered the Right." Second, party locations on the Left-Right continuum became an unsettled aspect of the electoral competition: in particular, citizen perception of party placement changed according with the overall pattern of their alliances. Finally, several cues suggest that a new political entity appeared on the Italian political landscape: the coalition. From the voter perspective, Center-Left & Center-Right alliances (including their candidates) turned out to be among the main actors of the electoral competition. At least a fourth of Italian voters made use of a judgment criterion based on an amicus/hostis logic. Hence, we concluded that the (perceived) fight between party coalitions is exploited as an easy shortcut for electoral choice. 2 Tables, 6 Figures, 58 References. Adapted from the source document.