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Obálka -- Obsah -- Úvod -- I. Kořeny, východiska, zdroje -- 1. Strategický význam Ukrajiny -- 2. Krym v rusko-ukrajinských vztazích -- 3. Vnitřní zdroje ruské agrese -- 4. Ukrajina, ruský svět a eurasijská integrace -- II. Anatomie hybridního válčení -- 5. Anexe Krymu -- 6. Válka na východní Ukrajině -- 7. Zemní plyn jako nástroj hybridní války -- 8. Informace, dezinformace, propaganda -- 9. Utváření vlivových struktur v Evropě: případ Front national ve Francii -- III. Dopady, reakce, třetí aktéři -- 10. Sankční politika EU a USA -- 11. Americká debata o vyzbrojení Ukrajiny -- 12. NATO, ruské menšiny v Pobaltí a "narvský paradox" -- 13. Společenský a politický vývoj na Ukrajině po Revoluci důstojnosti -- 14. Válka, oligarchie a ukrajinský fotbal -- Závěr -- 15. Rusko-ukrajinská válka jako konflikt hodnot -- Summary -- Seznam tabulek a grafů -- Seznam zkratek -- Výběrová bibliografie -- Rejstřík

The discussion of the energy security of Europe is focused mainly on Russia. However, Russia -- Central Asia energy relations became very important in Eurasia after the dissolution of the USSR. While its reserves of strategic raw materials (especially gas) are not comparable with those in Russia, Central Asia could be an additional source for supplying these raw materials to Europe. Europe should be involved in "The Great Game" for Central Asian gas. The significance of Central Asia regarding the increasing demand for gas in Europe cannot be overestimated. On the other hand, due to the growing interest of China & other Asian powers in Central Asia, maintaining a local gas pipeline network which would move gas in the direction of Europe (rather than in the direction of other Asian countries) should be a priority for both European countries & Russia. The rivalry between Russian & non-Russian pipeline projects for delivering gas is secondary in this context. Adapted from the source document.

The article explores the energy relations between the European Union and the Russian Federation. The focus is, however, not on the technical and institutional aspects of the relationship, but rather on the discursive formations that determine the prevailing interpretation of the relationship by each party. Building on the discourse analysis of 74 textual units produced by EU leaders and institutions, the article discovers the three most salient discursive formations, which centre respectively around three concepts: a) integration, b) liberalization, and c) diversification. The text goes on to assess the main features of these formations, their possible overlaps, and their influence upon EU-Russian energy ties. Adapted from the source document.

After the Soviet break-up and the Marxist regime collapsed, many of alternative notions emerged in the academic community in Russia, including alternative ideas in the field of International Relations (IR). A number of Russian IR scholars attempted to reconstruct the theories of IR, not just the IR theories that developed in Russia during the era of Marxism, but also against Western IR theories. Although the post-Cold War aspirations to create a distinct national school of International Relations in Russia, but these efforts are not free from the ideology and political goal that directing and guiding Russian foreign policy. Even, IR scholars in Russia have come to shared with the Russian government in terms of building the IR theories with the Russian characteristics, especially in challenging Western hegemony in the social sciences and international relations. This article tries to elaborate three intellectual traditions of international relations that developed in Russia, namely Westernism, Statism, and Civilizationism. Westernizer IR heavily influenced by Western liberalism, Statism more inspired by the realism, while Civilizationism is more of a hybrid between the constructivism and Russian essentialism.

Since the beginning of the second Chechen war, Russia has experienced several shifts in domestic policy. From the very start of his presidency, Vladimir Putin pursued a policy of consolidating power while facing both the external and internal enemy represented by Chechen rebels. As a side effect, this has brought about an outburst of xenophobia and racism that has turned against all Caucasians. The antiterrorist campaign has had broad consequences, even outside the security field. The campaign, which was based on economic arguments, began with attacks on the media tycoons Vladimir Gusinskii and Boris Beresovskii, and was later widened to other selected oligarchs. Another set of changes brought about reforms to almost every aspect of state organization, including everything from the parliamentary electoral system to the local representative elections. Although it had been planned for a long time, the core of the reforms was enacted after the tragedy in Beslan in September 2004.

Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission. ; Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission.

The aim of the article is to introduce contemporary Russian discussion on the USSR and Russia in broader political and publicist context. Both positive and negative interpretations of the Russian/Soviet history will be presented. The text does not pretend to provide exhaustive list of the particular "schools" and "movements" nor does it offer historical dynamics or institutional background of the discussion. The author rather intends to single out certain basic schemes and arguments that circulate in the discussions, place them in broader frames and anticipate their potential political consequences. Particularly, the text concentrates on various versions of the patriotic thinking that has been receiving broad popularity in today Russia. As the author is convinced, due familiarity with the contemporary Russian debate may help to better understand Russian internal as well as foreign policy nowadays: as it becomes clear, rise of patriotism in academia, society and politics are inseparable phenomena. Secondly, some of the arguments promoted by the contemporary Russian authors may enrich Western (non-Russian) sovietology and debate on socialist experiments as such. Last but not least, both content and form of the Russian academic discussion convincingly point at cultural conditionality of social and historical sciences. To some extent the discussion reminds perpetual Russian debate on national identity; cardinally new context in which it takes place however justifies attention paid to it.

Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia need to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps have been taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both the domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may well finally push it into more actively finding better ways of fullfilling this mission.