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Migration is a fundamental aspect of international political economy (IPE). It encompasses every aspect of the field of study but has been distanced from IPE mainstream. Nonetheless, it is an international phenomenon that requires joint participation and negotiation between the sending and receiving countries to determine their policies. Migration generates interdependence from below, where micro-structures are initiated by the people. States, politic, economic and social aspects are inherently touched by people's mobility. In this article we will highlight the impact that remittances have on the home country, and how dependent Guatemala is on fluctuations of the host country. It will explore how remittances shape Guatemala's economy.This article will follow three main questions: Why do people migrate from Guatemala to the United States? How does emigration impact Guatemala economically and socially? What are the challenges the Guatemalan government faces and needs to overcome to move forward from an ever growing dependency on emigration? It will be argued that remittances generate a greater dependency to the US. Remittances represent one of the main incomes in Guatemala. Not only are they bound to the receiving country's volatility (e.g. economic crisis and immigration law), they are not sustainable in the long term. But underdeveloped countries have yet to realise this in their policies, as remittances feature as a cushion to the balance of payment and emigration a relief to unemployment rates. Nevertheless, it is an issue that has to be targeted immediately. Furthermore, it is argued that social networks are the cornerstone of migration. The social impact on determinants of out-migration, diaspora and return are all intertwined within security issues, where American originated gangs return to their home countries, exporting criminal behaviour (known as the cost of social remittances). (1) Maras in conjunction with organised crime are new actors in determinants of emigration. This vicious circle revolves not only around IPE but becomes an international security issue. The state must act now for it to avoid its own erosion and cataclysm in the long term, taking down its credibility, economy and security.Heated debates come afloat between international migration and economic development. On one hand, there is the assumption that economic development will enhance emigration and others who argue the opposite. This article will favour the latter argument that development will improve conditions for potential migrants to stay home. Since Guatemala's emigration came basically from political instability and insecurity, an important variable is the current economic and security situation. Internal migration and refugee movements initiated during the civil war and terror repression, were it is estimated that over 200,000 people were killed or disappeared. A politically generated migration mobilised and displaced 1.5 million people between 1981 and 1983. (2) Most people fled to neighbouring countries as refugees and asylum seekers. This migration tendency was eased once democracy returned and peace accords signed in 1996. There are currently 1.4 million Guatemalan migrants in the US, of which more than half are undocumented. Violence in Guatemala has not ceased and therefore maras or gangs, corruption and insecurity are current out-migration push factors. Development should include not only economic development (higher GDP), but should be complemented with social development that pursues poverty alleviation, education, and security.Remittances have captured most of the attention concerning migration. Worker remittances are defined as 'the quantity of currency that migrants earn abroad and then send home to their families and communities'. (3) They are a source of foreign (hard) currency and can be used towards consumption, savings, investment, affecting both the household's and the country's economy. Globally, remittances to middle and low income countries in 1990 amounted to US$ 31 billion; in 2006 the amount increased to US$ 200 billion. (4) One fourth was sent to Latin America of which US$ 52 billion were sent back and can be compared to foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) flows.A growing concern in Latin America refers to remittances vis-à-vis GDP. Mexico is the first recipient of remittances in Latin America (net billion and in 2005 represented 45% of recipient of remittances). In Guatemala, remittances constitute one of the highest sources of household income and represent a large percentage of the country's GDP (11,3%) compared to the less than 5% in Mexico. Given the importance of economic migrants sending money home, any fluctuation or variation in the receiving country will make the sending countries even more vulnerable and dependant than what they already are. Latin American countries face a big challenge: create more employment possibilities at home and persuade potential migrants to stay, or ignore and continue, in their best interest, encouraging emigration to ease unemployment rates and gain from remittances. Until now, remittances have been a consistent income for developing countries. They constitute a positive aspect of emigration. However, in the long run, a country cannot rely on 'comfortable' income from emigrants dissatisfied by their government's instability and incapacity to create jobs, and wage differential. The free ride is bound to end, and attention has to be paid before it is too late. (5) Guatemala has become excessively reliant on remittances. The main setback is that they are not sustainable in a long term. If the trend continues, further emigration will stimulate depopulation of the home country. Consequently, economic development through GDP is not the long term answer to fight off dependence on remittances. On the other hand, social and human development needs to be fostered and invest in education, healthcare, poverty reduction and security.The latter issue has given migration a new twist. It represents another major issue to governments to tackle urgently, and a determinant of further emigration due to the growing violence in the territory, just as civil war times in Guatemala. International organised crime and migration has to seek state intervention and international cooperation. If migration and security are not managed wisely, Guatemala can expect a downward spiral and meltdown in the long term. (1) Alejandro Portes, Migration and Development: A Conceptual Review of the Evidence', Working Paper, Red Internacional Migracion y Desarrollo, 2006. http://meme.phpwebhosting.com/~migracion/rimd/bellagio/2.pdf Accessed on 17/08/2010.p. 19.(2) IOM, 'Guatemala, Country Profile', http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/guatemala Accessed on 01/08/2010.(3) Manuel Orozco, 'Globalization and Migration: the Impact of Family Remittances in Latin America', Latin American Politics and Society, 44:2 (Summer 2002), p. 43.(4) Acosta, Pablo, Fajnzylber, and Lopez, J. Humberto, 'How Important Are Remittances in Latin America?, in Pablo Fajnzylber and J. Humbert Lopez, eds., Remittances and Development: Lessons from Latin America. Washington DC: World Bank/The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2008, p.1. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Remittances_and_Development_Report.pdf Accessed on 30/08/2010.(5) Emigration has been sought as a 'necessary evil': 'supplying needed short-term economic and social benefits but also imposing immediate human and cultural host hindering long-term development'. Marc R. Rosenblum, 'Moving Beyond the Policy of No Policy: Emigration from Mexico and Central America', Latin American Politics and Society, volume 46, number 4, Winter 2004, p. 104.*Licenciada en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay.MA. International Political EconomyUniversity of Warwick Graduate

El propósito de este artículo es presentar una reflexión sobre las aportaciones teóricas del feminismo a las ciencias sociales a partir de la revisión de algunos de los conceptos claves que han acompañado al pensamiento feminista, incluyendo algunos de los elementos centrales del debate contemporáneo. Como parte de esta reflexión se enfatizará en las implicaciones y los alcances ideológico-políticos de dichas aportaciones. Finalmente, se propone reflexionar sobre éstas y sus desafíos feministas en el contexto latinoamericano. ; The purpose of this article is to present a reflection on the theoretical contributions made by feminism to Social Sciences. By implementing some of the principal feminist concepts and contemporary main debate elements, this article will emphasize the ideological and political implications of said contributions. Finally, the text intends to think about them and their feminist challenges in the Latin American context.

RESUMEN: El artículo tiene como objetivo revisar algunos aspectos del proceso de institucionalización de las ciencias sociales en Colombia, para ello aborda como en los procesos de maduración de estas se han dado condiciones de interdisciplinariedad, así como la manera en que las políticas públicas de ciencia y tecnología han presionado el acceso a determinas reglas; que si bien han generado procesos de internacionalización, también han puesto en crisis la autonomía respecto a lo que se considera conocimiento científico social. Por ello se termina con una reflexión sobre la necesidad de reflexionar continuar reflexionando sobre lo que se entiende como objetividad de las ciencias sociales frente a tal proceso de institucionalización. ; ABSTRACT: The objective of this article is to inspect some aspects about the institucionalization process of the Social Sciences in Colombia, for this it takes the way in how the processes of maduration of those have been given in interdisciplinarity conditions, just like the way how the public politics of science and technology have pushed the access to certain rules that have generated processes of internacionalization and that have placed in crisis the autonomy respect to what its considered social scientis knowledge. Finally, the article ends with a reflection about the need of take in consideration what its known like Social Science objectivity in front to the institucionalization process.

In recent decades, Chile has not been immune to the dynamics of increasing immigration, causing a strong impact on public opinion. In this scenario, we must add the closing of borders as a result of the pandemic and the security policies installed by some governments, leaving multiple groups of immigrants and refugees subject to greater defenselessness. This book is the result of the academic work of young researchers graduated from Analysts in Politics and International Affairs at the University of Santiago de Chile, who have found in human movements a place to develop their first approaches to research and who represent an interest in the theme of the new generations. In order to promote the work carried out by these young researchers in the migration area and to empower them, it is essential to disseminate their proposals with a publication like this one, making this objective one of the main purposes of this text.

The migration issue, which is presented as one of the most current socio-economic and political problems, when combined with the cataclysm produced by the COVID pandemic, acquires new dimensions. We have approached this project of the PAIGH-OAS, knowing that on the one hand it is transcendental for the Inter-American System due to its connotations and implications and that on the other, we do it both as historians and actors. Double challenge for having to analyze the processes in scientific terms and in turn in first person, events that have involved us since their origins and are still valid due to the uncertainty that this complex disease continues to cause in the world.

The social sciences contextualize the study of the social movements, considering that they provide and underlie theories and social methods that allow to observe the political, historical, and territorial configuration processes of such movements. In this context, it is appropriate to explore the scope of disciplines, the social theory, and the method in order to explain the theoretical contact elements and discipline of the social sciences along with the social movements, which are understood as objects of study. ; Las ciencias sociales contextualizan el estudio de los movimientos sociales, considerando que aportan y fundamentan teorías y métodos sociales que permiten observar los procesos de configuración política, histórica y territorial de estos movimientos. En este contexto es apropiado recorrer el ámbito de las disciplinas, de la teoría social y del método para explicar los elementos de contacto teórico y disciplinar de las ciencias sociales con los movimientos sociales, entendidos como objetos de estudio

The social sciences contextualize the study of the social movements, considering that they provide and underlie theories and social methods that allow to observe the political, historical, and territorial configuration processes of such movements. In this context, it is appropriate to explore the scope of disciplines, the social theory, and the method in order to explain the theoretical contact elements and discipline of the social sciences along with the social movements, which are understood as objects of study. ; Las ciencias sociales contextualizan el estudio de los movimientos sociales, considerando que aportan y fundamentan teorías y métodos sociales que permiten observar los procesos de configuración política, histórica y territorial de estos movimientos. En este contexto es apropiado recorrer el ámbito de las disciplinas, de la teoría social y del método para explicar los elementos de contacto teórico y disciplinar de las ciencias sociales con los movimientos sociales, entendidos como objetos de estudio