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The aim of the article is to outline the theoretical grounds of regionalism &, in particular, to explain the basis of this new phenomenon, its forms (stages) & historical development. The core of the explanation is a "new" regionalism as the third wave of regionalism in the world economy: its interpretation, causes, diversity & cases of regional integration. Furthermore, trends in regional development of trade initiatives have been outlined (from the "old" to "new" regionalism, from a "looser" to "deeper" integration, from individual cases to "global" regionalism.) In the conclusion, areas requiring further examination in connection with the impact of regionalism on the Czech economy have been defined. Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.

The main purpose of this article is to show by selected case studies to what extent the euro has already managed to establish itself as one of the key international currencies from the point of view of various aspects, to what extent it fulfills the functions of an important international currency, and what are the prospects of the euro's position in the future. Various signals indicate that the euro already fulfills some conditions which would allow it to become a serious competitor to the dollar in a relatively short period of time. The article is also taking notice of some obstacles and drawbacks that the European Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) has to and will have to deal with.First of all, the author deals with the question of whether the eurozone is an optimum currency area. This is one of the principal theoretical problems which has been accompanying the EMU since the very beginning. Then he shifts his attention to the question, concerning what role does the euro play in the world economy at present from the point of view of the share of the eurozone on the world GDP, trade, officialforeign exchange reserves, selected indicators offinancial markets etc. Then he deals with the role of the euro in the world monetary system -- one of the main subsystems of the world economy. Here is presented a survey of countries which have accepted the euro as its single or main currency, and also countries whose currencies are narrowly linked to the euro by means of various exchange rate mechanisms. The next part of the article outlines the potential of the euro in its "conquest" offurther regions of the world. Both those where the euro is becoming or will become the number one currency (e.g. in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe) in a foreseeable future, and those where it will compete with the American dollar (e.g. in Latin America, in the Middle East etc.). In the final part, the author attemptes (use the same tense) to point out some problems which can influence what?missing subject, if and to what extent the euro really will become a strong and stable currency. At the moment, it is not yet possible to answer concisely and clearly the question of whether the euro will become an equivalent competitor to the American dollar. It is important whether the EMU will or will not break up in the course of the coming years or decades. So far, there have not appeared any signals of this kind. It will be substantial how the member countries of the eurozone will be able to handle the first serious crisis, e.g. analogical to that of 1992-1993. At that time, the exchange rate mechanism (ERM) was abandonned temporarily by the 1talian lira and permanently by the British pound. This crisis of the European monetary system has shown the difficulty or even incapacity to set such a monetary policy which would be simultaneously advantageous for all member countries of a certain monetary system. The question is whetlLer it is possible considering there are usually big differences in economical standing between individual countries. A similar or even a more serious crisis could emerge in a longer time horizon. The EMU thus stays a long term project and a long distance run. It is, however, possible to assume that within the next ten years, it could become totally clear whether the EMU project is a great success or a great error. Adapted from the source document.

This paper discusses the critiques forming the debate on the future of the two major global financial institutions -- the IMF & the WB. The author does not claim what the IMF & the WB really are, but reviews how they are seen by their critics. The article describes & summarizes the multifaceted critical discussion & proposes an elementary scheme formed by four basic positions. These are based on two variables: (1) moderation or radicalism of the critiques; (2) their affiliation with the right or the left side of the political spectrum. As a result, four basic critical positions emerge: right reformers, right radicals, left reformers, & left radicals. This paper characterizes each of them by overviewing the opinions of two representative participants of the discussion. 1 Diagram, 125 References. Adapted from the source document.

A review essay on a book by Josef Gorny, Entre Auschwitz et Jerusalem. Shoah, sionisme et identite juive (Hansson, Nelly [Tr], Paris, 2003). Are the Jews an ethno-religious group or a nation with the right to self-determination? This was an open issue at the turn of the 19th & 20th century. In the wake of Holocaust & of the establishment of the modern Israel, the answer became much more determinate, even if- due to the split between Israeli & Diaspora Jews -- still not unambiguous. The Eichman abduction & trial in 1960-62 & the victorious war with the Arabs in June 1967 offered new opportunities for the reconstruction of the Jewish identity in view of both the unprecedented catastrophe of the Jewish people & the subsequent resurrection of its statehood. Gorny elaborates two ideal types of the Jewish self-conception that followed from two opposite interpretations of Holocaust & of the foundation of Israel. Post-zionism gives these two events a universalistic reading, neo-zionism (or ultra-zionism) a particularistic one. The two interpretations imply two competing versions of the Jewish identity; one is open towards the world & other peoples, the other focuses exclusively on the Jews. Accordingly, two different approaches towards the Palestinians follow; one seeks to understand their grievances & to find a compromise, the other relies on the brute force & remains intransigent. Even tough the book was published two years before the second Intifada broke out, Gorny's ideal-typical dichotomy still offers the best access to deep sources of the current predicament of the Jewish identity & Israeli politics. 1 Reference. Adapted from the source document.

From the beginning of social thinking, social class has been used as an explanatory factor for social phenomena in both the Marxist & Weberian traditions. However, many sociologists have pointed out that during the second half of the 20th century & especially at the beginning of the 1990s the usefulness of social classes in explaining social phenomena is declining. This article presents three recent debates on class analysis. The debates outline two opposing arguments. The first position accepts the "death of class" argument & conceptualizes contemporary socio-economic inequalities in terms of a status-based society. The second position rejects the "death of class" argument & conceptualizes contemporary socio-economic inequalities in terms of a new language of class. The question remains as to which of these arguments will be more persuasive for sociology in the next decade. 1 Figure, 55 References. Adapted from the source document.

Slovak parliamentary election in September 2002 brought with it a few surprises. First, the Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) gained "only" 19,5% of votes (comp. 1992 – 37%, 1994 – 35% and 1998 – 27%). On the one side Mečiar´s HZDS formally won. On the other side it was not able to find some coalition partners and stayed outside government. Second, the election result of the new charismatic party Směr ("Direction") - 13,5% of votes, third place in election – was "weak" too. The main election aim of the party leader Robert Fico - the office of the primary minister – didn´t work out as he planned. The situation resulted in opposition position of Směr after election.Third surprise was a very good election result (15,1%, second place) of the Slovak Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ). Thus, the leader of SDKÚ Mikuláš Dzurinda could form relatively homogenous coalition government (with three small right – wing and centre – wing parties).

This article is divided into two parts. The first part describes the cartel party presented by R. Katz and P. Mair and the discussion about the new party type between the two and R. Koole. The second part compares the theoretical descriptions with practical features of Slovak Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ) and Slovak political system. While the system author finds cartel supporting and not yet cartelized, SDKÚ is not a cartel party but rather one of the new alike types. Author agrees with the demand of R. Koole on search for a scheme of similar party types rather than one perfect type. ; This article is divided into two parts. The first part describes the cartel party presented by R. Katz and P. Mair and the discussion about the new party type between the two and R. Koole. The second part compares the theoretical descriptions with practical features of Slovak Democratic and Christian Union (SDKÚ) and Slovak political system. While the system author finds cartel supporting and not yet cartelized, SDKÚ is not a cartel party but rather one of the new alike types. Author agrees with the demand of R. Koole on search for a scheme of similar party types rather than one perfect type.

The article asks whether a paradox of new members comes into being during the EU enlargement. The first chapter defines the paradox of new members & examines its frequency in political communities. The second chapter introduces practical examples of the paradox & specifies voting power indicators in the EU. The third chapter brings empirical results -- frequency of the paradox during EU enlargement. The fourth chapter tests some hypotheses & defines a disproportionality index. The fifth chapter summarizes conclusions. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

The article is concerned with voting indicators in the European Union. The first chapter constructs a model of voting power & defines four indicators: A. Simple relative power, B. Shapley-Shubik index, C. Banzhaf index, D. Coleman index. The second chapter defines data: the voting structure according the Nice Treaty & nine algorithms -- variants of the EU enlargement. The third chapter summarizes empirical results. The fourth chapter discusses statistical relations between voting indicators. The fifth chapter brings conclusions. 11 Tables, 29 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article is focused on the composition & development of the so-called Scandinavian approach to economic policy. The first part describes its three main posts, this is labor market, public sector, & social equality. Two main streams of Swedish labor-market policy are centralized wage bargaining managed by the Rehn-Meidner model under the motto "equal wage for equal work," which was transformed into "equal wage" & the so-called active labor-market policy. The second part deals with macroeconomic policy & progressive market regulation & competition obstacles, & the third part introduces the Swedish tax system with its highly progressive tax rates & its 1985 & 1991 tax reform. 2 Tables, 9 Graphs, 27 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article deals with institutional measures proposed in the concept of the public budgets reform presented by the Czech Ministry of finance in December 2002 & it analyses its capability to improve the budget performance of the Czech Republic. First the performance budgeting & preconditions for its functioning are characterized. In the second part the multi-annual expenditure framework is discussed including analysis of its role in the budgetary process. A simple model shows that introduction of various steps in the budgetary process can alter the final budget. This model has proven that the multi-annual expenditure framework can limit the impact of the fiscal illusion. In the last part a new budget calendar that includes the new measures is proposed. 6 Figures, 25 References. Adapted from the source document.