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The aim of this paper is to present the Frankfurt School's critique of mass culture. The authors particularly seek to demonstrate that critical theory provides a specific interpretation of Marxist philosophy, reinterprets some of its central economic and political notions such as production, distribution, fetishization, consumption and also attempts to illuminate the place and the role of culture industry within global culture. As a conclusion it is argued that the Frankfurt School's approach, while it is still useful to social science programs, tends to be overlooked by social theorists.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models. ; In the Europe of the European Union, policies and programmes on the social inclusion of millions of Euros have been presented for years in different countries, with a greater concentration in the countries of the South and neighbouring countries. This issue is of concern to state, regional and also local governments. The strategies proposed are also multilevel. It is the latter that have the most complicated role since they are the ones that are closest to the problem. For this last level of public administration, the main obstacle is the lack of resources, becoming clearly dependent on European, national and autonomous funds. The analysis of the plans guides us as to which aspects are the most important. This is the case of Barcelona, because it is an example of inclusive support measures and teamwork on a European and international scale. A theoretical model derived from the analysis of the theory and the results of the application of the different social policies of inclusion through training is presented, in which the leader has a determining role and a new actor is incorporated into the traditional models.

The article presents an overview of selected connections of the COVID-19 pandemic with risk theories. The study first explores the basic concepts of preparing and mobilizing networks of public policy actors to act together under conditions of uncertainty. The following section discusses the pandemic risk preparedness and fighting. Then, selected possible social, economic and political effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are discussed. In summary, recommendations regarding the public management in the further stages of the pandemic development and in the post-pandemic period were indicated, as well as proposals for further research directions.

The point of departure for the author is an observation that the queer theory in Polish humanities is either uncritically accepted or authoritatively rejected. None of these extremes perceives discussion which arose around the queer theory and the assumption which is at its basis of the social construction of sexuality in the West European and American studies. The article presented here attempts to show, sum up and put in order the accusations and doubts addressed to M. Foucault, J. Butler, and E.K. Sedgwick by researchers who are representatives of the essentialist standpoint (J. Boswell, R. Norton) or – on the grounds of queer theory – represent critical approach to its assumptions (D. Eribon, D. Halperin). ; Śmieja Wojciech, Przeciw konstrukcjonistom. Teoria "queer" i jej krytycy [Against constructionists. Queer theory and its critics]. "Przestrzenie Teorii" 13. Poznań 2010, Adam Mickiewicz University Press, pp. 223-242. ISBN 978-83-232-2176-0. ISSN 1644-6763. The point of departure for the author is an observation that the queer theory in Polish humanities is either uncritically accepted or authoritatively rejected. None of these extremes perceives discussion which arose around the queer theory and the assumption which is at its basis of the social construction of sexuality in the West European and American studies. The article presented here attempts to show, sum up and put in order the accusations and doubts addressed to M. Foucault, J. Butler, and E.K. Sedgwick by researchers who are representatives of the essentialist standpoint (J. Boswell, R. Norton) or – on the grounds of queer theory – represent critical approach to its assumptions (D. Eribon, D. Halperin).

The article is a brief introduction to the use of game theory models in studies of national security. It is divided into four parts. The first part discusses basic theoretical issues, i.e. the division of game theory into analytical and behavioural, the concept of the rationality of players, the assumption that the rationality of players is common knowledge, the Nash equilibrium, Pareto efficiency and the classification of games. The second part briefly describes the evolution of game theory analyses in national security. Attention is drawn to the relationship between the development of game theory and military requirements. The third part provides an example of how game theory models can be used in national security studies. Trade relations, which adopt the schema of interactions of the prisoner's dilemma, are discussed in detail. During the analysis, the general model of the prisoner's dilemma, the initial game defining the problem under consideration, and its solutions in the form of an iterated game and metagame are presented. The entire discussion concludes with a summary.The analyses indicate the following advantages of the application of game theory models to the study of national security: 1) game theory models significantly simplify the analysed interactions, thus, allowing to penetrate the processes, bringing out features and relations which have hitherto escaped researchers; 2) the application of game theory models does not require researchers to be familiar with complex mathematical formalisms; 3) game theory models enable the identification of social dilemmas, i.e. situations where the short-term interests of an individual are at odds with the long-term interests of society. ; Artykuł jest zwięzłym wprowadzeniem w problematykę wykorzystania modeli teoriogrowych w badaniach bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Podzielono go na cztery części. W części pierwszej omówiono podstawowe zagadnienia teoretyczne, tj.: podział na analityczną i behawioralną teorię gier, pojęcie racjonalności graczy, założenie o wspólnej wiedzy graczy o ich racjonalności, pojęcie równowagi Nasha, pojęcie efektywności w sensie Pareto oraz klasyfikacje gier. W części drugiej opisano pokrótce ewolucję teoriogrowych analiz bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Zwrócono uwagę na związki między rozwojem teorii gier a potrzebami militarnymi. W części trzeciej wskazano przykładowy sposób użycia modeli teorii gier w badaniach bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Szczegółowo omówiono stosunki handlowe przyjmujące schemat interakcji dylematu więźnia. W toku analiz przybliżono ogólny model dylematu więźnia, grę wyjściową definiującą rozpatrywany problem oraz jego rozwiązania w postaci gry iterowanej oraz metagry. Całość rozważań zwieńczyło podsumowanie.Analizy wskazują następujące zalety stosowania modeli teoriogrowych w badaniach bezpieczeństwa narodowego: 1) modele teoriogrowe znacznie upraszczają analizowane interakcje, przez co pozwalają wniknąć w głąb procesów, wydobywając te cechy i związki, które do tej pory umykały badaczom; 2) stosowanie modeli teorii gier nie wymaga od badaczy znajomości skomplikowanych formalizmów matematycznych; 3) modele teorii gier umożliwiają identyfikację dylematów społecznych, czyli sytuacji, w których zachodzi sprzeczność krótkoterminowego interesu jednostki z długoterminowym interesem społecznym.

The article links the prospect of theoretical research on the culture of the unemployed with the achievements of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu, including the theory of fields (le champ), which is one of the key categories of his theory. A reflexive analysis of P. Bourdieu's theoretical concepts is helpful to explain the reasons for marginalization and exclusion on the example of long-term unemployment. Theoretical analysis showed that the reasons for marginalization lie not only in the entities subject to marginalization, but also are conditioned by general social changes, the social structure of a given country. Bourdieu's analyses are a good basis for programming public policy, the aim of which is to limit the social and economic effects of permanent unemployment.

The article aims to discuss the relationship between social policy and public policy and to identify its most important elements. Social policy is linked historically on the one hand with the economy and on the other - with sociology and political sciences. Theory of public policy exposes the role of public administration in achieving its objectives and allows for wider recognition of the tasks by linking them with other specialties. This makes it possible to achieve in practice synergistic effects of actions taken, and at the theoretical level - a more comprehensive assessment of the analyzed problems. The history of social policy in Poland, especially of the Institute of Social Economy shows that such a broad approach to social policy has been characteristic also in the past.

In the author's opinion we can agree that the theories of contractualism provide an excellent foundation for the legitimization of democracy. At the same time, he claims that democracy, and liberal democracy in particular, cannot be said to be the necessary outcome of social contract. Hobbes was the advocate of absolute monarchy, although his theory permiabsolute aristocracy as well as absolute democracy. Locke, a supporter of a limed monarchy, emphasized the principles of people's sovereignty. Rousseau, an apologist for thel will, tended to support such the solon that it is not the people's will but the wisest ones' whichrulthe sciety as long as they have the people's benefit in mind. Glorifying hisgeneral will, Roussau has become the founder of modern political totalitarianism. When discussing the relations between state and religion/church the above three classic speculators on the theory of social contract assumed the individual freedom of religious beliefs. Ultimately, it is the state though that regulates the external manifestations of faith, as it is the only political entity to arbitrate conflicts between individual interests, and express the pubgood, whatever that means.

Strategies are usually long-term plans. However, many problems appear if they are considered essential issues of social life and economic security, especially considering the need to make choices concerning conditions of limited resources. Another issue is the dilemma of achieving individual goals in the conditions of global interdependencies. One of the key requirements of nation-states is to ensure energy security; therefore, governments are strongly focused on establishing a stable, enduring, and useful energy strategy. Therefore, the point of importance is factors that will be able to ensure energy efficiency, economic stability, security, and in parallel, sustainable developmentboth on the national and global levels. Drawing from the above, this study investigates the reasons for the indispensability to carry out an energy market systemic reform in Poland with consideration of economic argumentation. The theories of economic growth, especially of endogenous kind, is taken into consideration. It is also argued that to achieve sustainable economic growth and social development in the long run, it would be reasonable to simultaneously concentrate on human capital and technologies. More advantages will be gained through intergovernmental cooperation, within regional groups such as the Visegrad Group and at the supranational EU level. This conviction is motivated by the principles of public choice theory.

The aim of the publication is to present selected forecasting problems in social sciences. The article focused on the method of decision-making/simulation games that, especially with the development of game theory and computers, have increasingly been used in many fields. Using examples of decision/simulation games - Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E - and the online game EVE Online, the author recognised the importance of such exercises in an accurate prediction of the future. He drew special attention to the element of chance and confounding factors that may destabilise the process of prediction. He also raised the problem of decision-making in the context of classical and quantum logic. ; Treścią publikacji jest przedstawienie wybranych problemów prognozowania w naukach społecznych. W artykule skoncentrowano się na metodzie gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych, które – zwłaszcza wraz z rozwojem teorii gier oraz komputerów – są coraz częściej wykorzystywane w wielu dziedzinach. Na wybranych przykładach gier decyzyjnych/symulacyjnych – Poznań International Model United Nations 2013/POZiMUN; S.E.N.S.E. a także gry sieciowej EVE Online – wskazano jak ważne są takie ćwiczenia, by móc precyzyjniej przewidywać przyszłość. Zwrócono także szczególną uwagę na kwestię przypadku oraz czynników zakłócających, które mogą destabilizować proces przewidywania. Poruszono ponadto problem podejmowania decyzji w aspekcie klasycznej oraz kwantowej logiki.

The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever- -growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute. ; The subject of this paper is the institution of mediation, with a special emphasis on the formulation of postulates addressed to the Polish legislative, governmental institutions, local authorities, corporation of advocates, non-governmental organisations, and establishments of higher education. The Author outlines the general construction of mediation and the mechanisms of its functioning, the impact of the European Union on its Member States in the context of that institution, and touches upon the practical application of mediation in Poland, concluding that once the postulates enumerated in the paper have been addressed and realized, this will grossly reduce the piling number of unresolved disputes, and consequently will minimize the cost arising from the ever- -growing numbers of litigation and legal dispute.

Zdaniem instytucji Unii Europejskiej – co wykazuje niniejszy tekst – konieczność wzajemnie uzupełniających się interwencji w obszarach bezpieczeństwa i rozwoju jest efektem nowych zagrożeń dla Europy. UE konsekwentnie podkreśla, że "bezpieczeństwo jest niezbędnym warunkiem rozwoju" i że "trwały pokój nie jest możliwy bez rozwoju i eliminacji ubóstwa". Tworzenie i wzmacnianie warunków politycznych, społecznych i gospodarczych dla stabilności ma zasadnicze znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa i jest warunkiem wstępnym rozwoju. Ta współzależność między bezpieczeństwem i rozwojem odgrywa kluczową rolę w zwiększaniu skuteczności działań zewnętrznych UE. Każde państwo, które dąży do zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa i rozwoju, musi posiadać lub nabyć odpowiednie zdolności we wszystkich istotnych obszarach, w tym w obszarze bezpieczeństwa i obrony. Umożliwi to nie tylko ustabilizowanie sytuacji w danym kraju, ale również przyczyni się w sposób konstruktywny do zaprowadzenia pokoju, uzyskania stabilizacji i zapobiegania kryzysom w jego regionie. Na przestrzeni ostatnich lat UE w coraz większym zakresie wspierała tę współzależność między bezpieczeństwem i rozwojem, prowadząc interwencje w różnych obszarach polityki unijnej i korzystając z różnych instrumentów. Bieżące działania na rzecz budowania zdolności w zakresie bezpieczeństwa w państwach partnerskich obejmują szereg obszarów polityki. W trakcie ich realizacji wykorzystywane są różne instrumenty i kładzie się nacisk na budowanie skutecznych, legalnych i trwałych instytucji, w tym na wydajny system sprawiedliwości i bezpieczeństwa, kontrolę granic oraz straż przybrzeżną. Działania te obejmują m.in. dostęp do instrumentów międzynarodowych, dialog polityczny, współpracę techniczną (w tym wspólne badania naukowe i innowacje), szkolenia (transfer wiedzy oraz rozwój umiejętności) oraz dostarczanie podstawowego sprzętu i materiałów. ; The link between security and development is a key underlying principle of the EU's comprehensive approach to external conflicts and crises and complementary to the internal security policies. As stated in the treaties, the EU's external action objectives are to preserve peace, prevent conflicts and strengthen international security and also to foster the sustainable economic, social and environmental development of developing countries, with the primary aim of eradicating poverty. The primary objective of the EU's development policy is the reduction and, in the long term, the eradication of poverty, but development policy also addresses sustainable development, inequalities, social injustice and human rights violations. This is essential in addressing the root causes of insecurity and conflict.The EU may use the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the Common Security and Defence Policy missions outside its territory for peacekeeping, conflict prevention and strengthening international security. The need for mutually reinforcing interventions in the areas of security and development is clear. The EU has consistently underlined that security is a precondition for development and that without development and poverty eradication there will be no sustainable peace. Creating and fostering the political, social and economic conditions for stability is essential for a country's security and a prerequisite for its development. This security-development nexus is central to maximising the effectiveness of the EU's external action.Current security capacity building efforts in partner countries span across a number of policy areas. They call on different instruments and focus on building effective, legitimate and sustainable institutions, including effective justice and security sectors, border control and coast guards. Capacity building activities include access to international instruments, political dialogue, technical cooperation (including joint research and innovation), training (knowledge transfer and skills development) and the provision of essential equipment and material. Training in the security sector seeks to improve a partner's ability to ensure stability and the protection of citizens.