Search results

One of the questions in social science is about the relationship between theory and practice. It goes back to the ancient Greek philosophers whose world was strictly separated into polis and oikos. The actors of polis were engaged in the formation of a democratic society requiring active action in the sense of vita activa. According to Arendt, with the decline of the polis and the emergence of the new forms of the society, vita activa was initially set in opposition to vita contemplativa and then later devalued in favour of vita contemplativa. However, with Galilei and Kant, there has been a counter-movement, which no longer understood theory as isolating oneself from the world but as shaping social realities. Theory and practice are joined today by the concept of research. The relationship between theory and practice will be examined initially within a historical perspective offering the genesis. Then the features of some institutions are discussed in terms of their communications with theory and practice and redefined accordingly.

This study intends to investigate the concept of social capital on the basis of evidence provided by theoretical perspectives and empirical studies. Various definitions of social capital touch upon beliefs, values, networks, and trust by complicating the meaning and creating conceptual chaos. In addition to shaky conceptual foundations, methodological inadequacies are also framing numerous problems and challenges. Moreover, lack of power, class, race, gender etc. analysis in the literature makes it difficult to contribute to poverty alleviation. In this respect, first, the origins of the social capital, definition, and the development of the concept will be explored. The investigation of the role of the World Bank in the promotion of the concept and the empirical evidences will constitute second part of this work. It is argued here in order to foster mechanisms of development, social capital projects require broader, more collaborative, and innovative approaches.

The Dunning Kruger Effect, which states that individuals with little or no knowledge about a subject have more self-confidence than experts, was first put forward as a result of a social experiment in 1999. Over time, the concept has become a theory that has been accepted in the literature and has been the subject of studies in some branches of science and has been translated into Turkish as Cahil Cesareti. In this direction, the aim of the study is to analyze the Google search frequencies of the words "Dunning Kruger Effect" and "Ignorant Courage" and to determine the level of awareness of the concepts in the USA and Turkey comparatively. As a result of the Google Trends data and literature review, it has been determined that the Dunning Kruger Effect theory is known in the USA both in the general category and in the finance category. In Turkey, it has been seen that the related concept is known in the general category and has been the subject of some studies. In addition, it was stated that the related concept does not have financial awareness, as a result of both Google Trends data and literature search. In this direction, the study adds originality to the national literature at the stage of determining the level of awareness of the Dunning Kruger Effect theory, whose Turkish equivalent is Ignorant Courage, in the finance literature.

The subject matter of research in this paper is theoretical controversy related to the definition of right-wing extremism. Given the fact that extremism is a variable, amorphous and insufficiently researched phenomenon, largely conditioned by time, space, political and cultural differences, there is a great confusion in the field of political science when defining right-wing extremism. The problem of researching right-wing extremism is additionally complicated by various terms that are being used in the contemporary literature as its synonyms, such as right-wing radicalism, neo-Fascism, ultra-radicalism, etc. In order to provide the most valid theoretical determination of right-wing extremism, the author provides a detailed analysis of all the components constituting this phenomenon and examines their causality. In the political praxis, the term extremism is extensively abused, which additionally complicates its determination. Videlicet, politicians often use term 'extremist' in order to discredit their political opponents. While during the French revolution aristocracy saw the bourgeoisie as extremists, the members of the working class later stated that the bourgeoisie were extremists. The problem lies in the fact that, in politics, extremists are not only the ones who use violence as modus operandi; indeed, it is also used by political opponents who do not belong to the extreme political option. Another aggravating factor in defining right-wing extremism is that many administrative and academic definitions do not make a clear distinction between extremism and related phenomena, such as terrorism, radicalism and populism. Extremism is most often equaled with terrorism, which gives rise to another problem in defining this phenomenon. The relation between extremism and terrorism is the relation of general and specific. Namely, every act of terrorism is concurrently considered to be an act of extremism, but not vice versa, given the fact that every act of extremism does not lead towards a higher level of political violence (i.e. towards terrorism). Even in the terms of legal sanctioning, it is much easier to incriminate terrorism in comparison to extremism. The Serbian criminal legislation envisages relevant punishment for committing an act of terrorism, without even mentioning extremism, which implies that there is no penalty prescribed for committing an act of extremism. Despite numerous academic and administrative definitions on the concept of extremism, there is still a lack of a balanced approach to defining right-wing extremism, which is also largely conditioned by political definitions. The most prominent problem in addressing the social phenomena such as right-wing extremism lies in the fact that these social phenomena are dynamic and, in order to be analysed in a scientifically objective manner, they must be examined in the specific temporal, spatial and socio-political context.

ood is a basic requirement for living things. This study aims to analyze the effects of economic infrastructure, social infrastructure and household characteristics on food security in Indonesia using the Johnsson and Toole (1991) methods. There were 285,908 households studied originating from the 2015 SUSENAS data. The model used in this study was the general ordered logistics model. Based on the results of the study there were 29.51% of food security, 25.12% of vulnerable food, 23.14% of food shortages and 22.33% of households at food insecurity. The results of this study also revealed that ownership of transportation modes, electricity use, fuel use, education of household heads and household health insurance significantly affected food security. The government program in the form of giving poor rice (RASKIN) provides poor results reducing the chance of food security by 11% and increasing the chances of food insecurity by 6%.

The aim of this study is to take lessons for policy makers by examining the theory and practice of the social ecology approach, which is studied as an alternative model to climate change, capitalism and state organization discussions, through field applications. In order to achieve this aim, the basic concepts of social ecology and the approach of ecological society to the city were examined through the examples of southeastern Turkey and 'Rojava'. In the study, an answer has been sought to the research question of "are social ecology-based field practices and theory compatible?" In the theoretical framework, the political, administrative, social and economic discourses of the ecological approach, which puts nature at its center are explained as four criteria of analysis. In the discussions part, the field practices are examined in terms of the reflection of the theory in practice, taking into account the suggestions in political, administrative, social and economic dimensions. Contrary to rhetoric, it has been explained with the kiwi bird metaphor that the practices of PKK/KCK do not adequately reflect Bookchin's social ecology approach.

This paper investigates the association of religiosity and trust to community participation or volunteering in development. Social trust is measured in several indicators, is an important aspect of development process, since social trust related to many development outcomes, such as growth, democratic stability as well as subjective well- being. In economic terms, when people trust each other, transaction cost can be reduced, organization can perform better, government policy could stimulate output faster, and many more. Utilizing Indonesia Family Life Survey (IFLS) wave 2014 this study finds the following results. Firstly, social trust closely associated with individual characteristics. Maturity, better educational and income level improve individual trust and individual participation in community activities. Secondly, individual subjective report about religiosity strongly associated with willingness to participate in various community activities. Policy relevant with this finding it is important to promote tolerance and religiosity, as these aspects can improve social trust. Social trust closely associates with more participation in community activities for accumulating public services and public goods. As more public services and public goods are available, nationally better welfare can be promoted.

Bu tez çalışması Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi'nin Sosyal İnşacılık Kuramı Bağlamında Dış Politika uygulamalarında Suriye Krizini değerlendirmek amacıyla hazırlanmıştır. Hazırlanan çalışmada literatür taraması yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde kuramsal açıdan dış politika kavramının gelişimi ve inşacılık kuramı ele alınmıştır. İkinci bölümde iki ülke arasındaki ilişkiler bağlamında Suriye krizi ele alınmıştır. Üçüncü ve son bölümde sosyal inşacılık kuramı bağlamında adalet ve kalkınma partisi dönemi Türk dış politikasının analizi yapılarak Suriye krizi değerlendirilmiştir. ; This thesis study was prepared to evaluate the Syrian Crisis in foreign policy applications in the context of Justice and Development Party's Social Construction Theory. The literature search method was used in the study. In the first part of the study, the development of the concept of foreign policy from the theoretical point of view and the theory of constructivism are discussed. The second part deals with the Syrian crisis in the context of relations between the two countries. In the third and last chapter, the Syrian crisis was evaluated by analyzing Turkish foreign policy in the context of justice and development party period in the context of social construction theory.

Joint effect of 2008 economic crises and continous world-wide present deficite of political legitimacy have in 2011 given birth to global resistance, but also facilitated development of its new strategies and tactics. Aldough we are still by large able to understand these contemporary models of collective action with help of New Social Movement Theory, today they objectivelly grasp a wider field of meaning, mainly for reason of their demands for radical transformation of both economic and political system. Contemporary social movements are still struggling for re-interpretation of meaning, and identity issues, but not any more for any particular goal. Instead, they seek systemic change. This extremelly important shift of strategic orientation, which makes new movements a bit old – that is classical, remains in our oppinion, undervalued both in academic, and general public for the reasons that we will try to comprehend, in this writing. ; Sadejstvo udara ekonomske krize iz 2008. i kontinuiranog deficita političkog legitimiteta dovode 2011. do pojave globalnog otpora, ali i do razvoja njegovih kvalitativno novih strategija i taktika. Iako je savremene modele kolektivne akcije dobrim delom i dalje moguće razumeti uz pomoć teorije novih društvenih pokreta, oni danas objektivno zahvataju jedno šire polje, najpre zbog zahteva za radikalnom promenom u ukupnom ekonomskom i političkom sistemu. Savremeni društveni pokreti i dalje se bore za reinterpretaciju značenja i priznanje sopstvenog identiteta, ali ne više za bilo koje pojedinačno pitanje, već za sveobuhvatnu promenu sistema. Ta izuzetno važna promena strateške orijentacije, koja nove pokrete čini pomalo starim – upravo klasičnim, ostaje, čini nam se, nedovoljno primećena iz razloga koje ćemo pokušati da rasvetlimo.

İlk olarak 1920 yılında Amerika'da yayın hayatına adım atan radyo, Türkiye'de 1927 yılından itibaren dinleyicilere ulaşmaya başlamıştır. Değişen dünyada gerek teknoloji, gerekse toplumsal alanda yaşanan dönüşümler radyo yayıncılığı üzerinde etkiler oluşturmaktadır. Tüm bu etkilerin sonucunda zamana direnip, alternatif kitle iletişim araçlarıyla yarışını sürdüren radyolar açısından varlık ve gelecek sorgulamaları devam etmektedir. Bu çalışmada Türkiye'deki radyo yayıncılığı yeni kurumsal kuram bağlamında incelenmiştir. Araştırma için öncelikle alan yazını taranmış, hazırlanan görüşme soruları, Türkiye'deki radyolardan alınan örneklem grubundaki yetkili kişilere yöneltilmiştir. Yeni kurumsal kuram kapsamında eş biçimlilik ve kurumsal değişim boyutları üzerinden sektörü değerlendirmeyi amaçlayan bu çalışmanın, radyonun dünü, bugünü ve geleceğine dair açıklama sunabileceği düşünülmektedir. ; Firstly, radio stepped into broadcasting in the United States in 1920, it has begun to reach out to audiences in Turkey since 1927. In the changing world, both the technology and the transformations in the social field have effects on radio broadcasting. As a result of all these influences, the existence and future interrogations in terms of radios, which maintain the race with alternative mass media, continue. In this study, radio broadcasting in Turkey it was examined in the context of the new institutional theory. Primarily made literature research, prepared interview questions were directed to authorized persons, in a sample taken from the radio group in Turkey. It is thought that this study, which aims to evaluate the sector through the dimensions of isomorphism and institutional change within the scope of new institutional theory, may provide an explanation of the past, present and future of radio.

By modernizing society, corruption is becoming the global problem and is considered to be the main cause of state dysfunction. Widespread in a large number of countries, embracing political and social life, corruption has become the everyday life of citizens convinced that without corruption there was no proper functioning of the society. Countries in transition, with an unstable political system, are the fundament for the development of corruption. The fight against corruption is long lasting and painful issue with an unknown outcome. The enjoyment of media attention, the commitment of the European Union and the United Nations, the establishment of anti-corruption organizations and agencies within states are mechanisms to combat this global problem. Anticorruption culture as a preventive mechanism prevents the existing and emergence of new forms of corruption. Effective preventive action requires careful and long-term planning to result in a better quality of life in the future.

Türkiye'de temel yerel yönetim birimleri olarak belediyeler çeşitli hizmetler sunmaktadır. Türkiye'de belediyelerin sosyal politika uygulamaları ise "sosyal belediyecilik anlayışı" olarak adlandırılmakta, her geçen gün yaygınlaştıkları görülmektedir. Bu çalışmada öncelikle sosyal belediyeciliğin teorik temellerini ortaya koymak üzere sosyal politika ve yerel yönetimler ortaya konulmuştur. İkinci bölümde Avrupa Birliği'nde sosyal politika ve yerel yönetimler ile İngiltere, İsveç ve İspanya örneklerinde yerel sosyal politikalara değinilmiş, son bölümde ise Türkiye'de sosyal belediyecilik anlayışının gelişimi anlatılmıştır. Bu inceleme sonrasında sosyal yardımlar alanında yaşanan dönüşüm ortaya konularak, sosyal belediyeciliğin sosyal devlete bir alternatif olup olmadığı tartışılmaktadır. Çalışma, ağırlıkla literatür taramasına ve sosyal yardımlarla ilgili düzenlemelerin ve politikaların incelemesine dayanmaktadır. Çalışmanın temel araştırma konusu değişen sosyal devlet anlayışı ve sosyal belediyeciliktir. Yaptıkları hizmetler bakımından değerlendirildiklerinde sosyal devletten doğan açığı kapatmaya yönelik programlara dayanan sosyal belediyecilik anlayışının, Türkiye'de tam olarak uygulamaya geçirebilmesinde yeterli alt yapı, mali kaynak ve yetişmiş personel sahip olmadıkları saptanmıştır. Bunun yanında, sosyal yardımların, siyasi kayırmacılık içerdiği ve merkezi hükümetin etkisinde yürütüldüğü yönünde yaygın bir kanı ve bulgular olduğu saptanmıştır. Türkiye de sosyal belediyecilik olarak nitelendirilebilecek uygulamalar, 1970'lerden sonra hayata geçirilmeye başlamış ve 1990'lardan sonra artışa geçmiştir. Sosyal belediyecilik olarak nitelendirilebilecek hizmet düzeyinin Türkiye'de düşük olduğu, tüm dezavantajlı kesimleri içeren bir kapsayıcılıkta olmadığı görülmektedir. ; As basic units of local governments in Turkey, municipalities offers many services. Social policies of these municipalities are called as "social municipality approach" and these approach spread day by day. In this study firstly local government and social policy concepts has been presented to see social municipality in theory. After social policy and local governments in the European Union has been analysed in addition to local social policies in samples of England, Sweden and Spain, development of social municipality approach in Turkey has been examined. In this study, the transformation in social municipality has been presented, it has been discussed whether social municipality is an alternative to the social state in Turkey. The present study is mostly based on literature review and analysis of regulations and policies about social assistance. The main subject in the present study is changing social state concept and social municipality. It has been found out that there is lack of necessary background, financial sources and competent staff in the process of being able to apply the understanding of social municipality which compensates for the shortcomings stemmed from social state considering its services. In addition to these facts, it has been stated that there is a common belief and evidence about that social assistance includes political favoritism and it has been carried out under the pressure of the government. Turkey began to be implemented after the 1970s and increased after the 1990s's It is observed that the level of service that can be described as social municipality in Turkey is low and that it is not inclusive of all disadvantaged segments.

Liberalizm'in birey, evrensellik, temsil ve katılım ekseninde; Marksizm'in sınıf siyaset ve pratikler perspektifinde yaşadıkları krizler, toplumların üzerindeki iktidar baskılarının artmasına yol açmıştır. Siyasal alandaki devletin lehine genişleyen boşluğu doldurabilmesi için yeni bir özneye ihtiyaç duyulmaktadır. Aranan yeni özne, çatışmalarına rağmen farklılıkların eklemlenmelerinden ortaya çıkacaktır. Muhalifi inşa etmenin yöntemini bize Laclau ve Mouffe'un Agonistik Radikal Demokrasi Teorisi verir. Bu çalışma I. bölümünde Agonistik Radikal Demokrasi Teorisi'nin, içinden türediği krizleri ortaya koymayı amaçlar. II. bölümde birey, kolektif ve toplumun kimlikleri incelenecektir. Ardından yeni bir özne konumu olarak "Radikal Muhalif"i ortaya çıkaran yöntem ve ortaya çıkış koşulları değerlendirilecektir. Eşdeğerlik Zinciri, bir topluluğun üyelerinin bazı etik- politik ilkeler üzerinde anlaşmalarıyla kurulur. Bu üyelerin özelliği birbirinden oldukça farklı kimliklere de sahip olabilmeleridir. Böylece teorinin inşa ettiği muhalif özne artık tikel ve özcü bir kimlik değildir. Yeni bir hegemonik özne konumunun inşa edildiği bu süreçte zorunluluk kategorilerinin hiçbiri işlemez. Sürece olumsal bir yapılanma hakimdir. Bu yeni örgütlenme sürecinde bütün katılımcıların kimlikleri hegemonik kimliğe uyarlanır. Bu yapılanmada, toplumsal farklılıkların yeni bir biçimde, çatışmalarını sürdürerek bir çatı altında birleşmeleri tasarlanır. ; The crises that have been both experienced in the centerline of the individual, universality, representation and the participation of liberalism, and in the perspective of class politics and practices ofMarxism, caused the increasing of the power pressure on societies. That is need to have a new subject position to replace the expanding absence which is in favor of the goverment in the political sphere. In spite of the conflicts of diversities, the subject that is required, will arise from its own articulations. Laclau and Mouffe's Agonistic Radical Democracy Theory gives us the methot of constructing the opposition. This study aims to reveal crises that originates from the Agonistic Radical Democracy Theory in the I. chapter. In the II. chapter, the individual, collective and the identities of the communities will be examined. Subsequently, the method and the conditions providing the "Radical Opponent" to come about as a new subject position will be evaluated. The equivalance chain is constituted through the agreements on some ethic- political principles of the members of a society. The feature of these members is that they also have the quite different identities. Thus, the opponent subject which is constructed by the theory is not a particular or an essentialist identity anymore. In this process that constructed by the new hegemonic subject position, none of these necessity categories are inoperative. A contingent construction is dominated in process. In this new process of organisation, the identities of the while participants are adapted a hegemonic identity. In this construct, social diversities are conceived gather under a single roof in a new form, while they maintain their conflicts. ; İÇİNDEKİLER Sayfa ÖZET -- i ABSTRACT -- ii İÇİNDEKİLER -- iii KISALTMALAR -- v GİRİŞ -- 1 BİRİNCİ BÖLÜM LACLAU VE MOUFFE'UN AGONİSTİK RADİKAL DEMOKRASİ KURAMINI TÜRETEN KRİZ ALTYAPISI 1.1.MARKSİZMİN KRİZİ -- 7 1.2.LİBERALİZMİN KRİZİ -- 22 İKİNCİ BÖLÜM MUHALİF ÖZNENİN İNŞASI 2.1. ÖTEKİNDEN TÜREYEN "ÖZ-NE"NİN KURULUŞU -- 48 2.2. ÖTEKİYLE OLANAKLI OLMAK: VAR OLMANIN DAYANILMAZ ÇATIŞMASI -- 50 2.3. YENİ ZAMANLARIN YENİ ÖZNESİ: YENİ TOPLUMSAL HAREKETLER -- 58 2.4. YURTTAŞ -- 66 2.5. ÇOĞULCULUK VE SINIRLARI -- 82 2.6. KİMLİK VE FARK -- 90 2.7. EŞİTLİĞİ YENİDEN OKUMAK: BİR EŞDEĞER DENKLİK ZİNCİRİNE EKLEMLENMEK -- 100 2.8. GENEL TAMLIK ŞEMASI FORMU- GEÇİCİ LİDERİN YERİ -- 110 2.9. RADİKAL MUHALİF -- 115 iv SONUÇ -- 135 KAYNAKÇA -- 143