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The speech given by Stjepan Mcsic, President of the Republic of Croatia, at the conference "15 Years of Croatian Democracy" held at the Faculty of Political Science of the University of Zagreb on 11 November 2005 gives an account of the evolution of democracy in Croatia. The importance of the role of the Croatian parliament (Sabor) is analyzed. The Croatian Sabor has not only been the institutional state/legal expression of the sovereignty of the Croatian people within various state & national entities (apart from the period between 1918 & 1941) but also an expression of communality as a manifestation of the freedom of speech, assembly & agreement -- in short, the ultimate expression of the popular democratic spirit. In this speech, various aspects of the democratic development in Croatia since 1990 are analyzed. It is pointed out that in the last fifteen years Croatia has witnessed social & political protests & conflicts on a variety of occasions & for a variety of reasons, proving that it is capable of coping with ideological, social & political antagonisms & discords. Adapted from the source document.

This paper gives an overview of the socially clearly expressed desire & need for social security, promoted by means of various measures & policies known under the common designation: elements of the social state

The geopolitical evolution represents a permanent process. It is mostly influenced by the geopolitical condition, in which the geopolitical relations and processes are evolving. The understanding of geopolitical evolution is impossible without the critical review and even rejection of the dominant geopolitical visions. There are various theoretical perspectives that reject the dominant geopolitical visions and discourses as well as geopolitical practices of the political elites. Those theoretical perspectives are known as: critical geopolitics, anti-geopolitics, subaltern geopolitics, feminist geopolitics, radical geopolitics. There are also various comprehensions of relationship between these theoretical perspectives, although it is clear that each of them is overlapped with others, and all of them are overlapped with critical geopolitics, differing in the focus of study and the identification of new moments, and at the same time being similar by their deflection from the dominant geopolitical vision and practices, to which they react in different ways: by criticizing, by putting resistance or offering alternatives. In this paper, the research focus is mostly on anti-geopolitics, a radical geopolitical vision that puts into question the relations of exploitation and dominance. Anti-geopolitics also represents a theoretical perspective that poses the most serious challenge to the dominant ways of representing the World. The proponents of anti-geopolitics focus their research on the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggles, as well as on the social movements and networks that offer a resistance to globalization and geo-economic logic that are advocated and practiced by the political-economic elites of states and multinational corporations and intergovernmental institutions, especially the financial ones. The paper also brings a brief review of the key aspects of other theoretical perspectives that represent a more or less radical deflection from the dominant geopolitical visions. Adapted from the source document.

COVID-19 sent a wave of pandomania across Nigeria, like in every other country due to health risk that it come with, which was declared pandemic. However, its impact has been felt on all aspect of human endeavour; social economic and political. In Nigeria, the pandemic has affects security governance due to pivoted role assigned security agencies in the enforcement of restriction of movement and lockdown imposed by the federal government of Nigeria. The security agencies involved has not been limited to police but it include both military and paramilitary as the case may be. In the midst of continues spread of diseasesand multiplicity of security agencies, security governance became a serious issues. Through the government adopted a pragmatic approached, the result has been of mix blessing. It is in light of the above that the paper examines security, government in theCOVID-19 pandemic periodusing Nigeria as a case study.

Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.

Western concepts of society, nature and technology have oftentimes been shaped by indigenous culture and tradition. Nevertheless, indigenous ancestral knowledge is now widely regarded obsolete. Perpetuating colonial thinking, the Western vision of our global future considers it only a matter of time until it is fully eliminated by the advancement of "progress". In a framework of Critical and Speculative Design (CSD), I investigate the legal, political, and social consequences of producing mezcal, a Mexican ancestral spirit, on the Croatian coast with Adriatic agaves: A process of production and exchange of knowledge by a Mexican indigenous "Maestro Mezcalero" (master mezcal producer) and a Croatian rakija distillery in Dalmatia. Together they show us a collaborative rural aspect of a potential future reality that employs indigenous knowledge to make use of natural resources, foster inter- cultural understanding and design alternative ways of production and life.

Rad se bavi problematikom prometne marginaliziranosti s ciljem opsežnijeg prikaza teorijskih postavki prometne marginaliziranosti kao doprinosa boljem razumijevanju navedene problematike i budućim istraživanjima u okviru prometne geografije i prometnog planiranja. Prometna marginaliziranost označuje pojavu koja može zahvatiti i ljude i prostore, a javlja se ako su mobilnost i dostupnost otežane, ograničene ili onemogućene. Na temelju ekstenzivnog prikupljanja i proučavanja relevantne znanstvene i stručne literature u prvom se dijelu rada predstavljaju definicije prometne marginaliziranosti, nakon toga se prikazuju razni aspekti utjecaja prometne marginaliziranosti na prostor i društvo, dok se na kraju rada opisuju posljedice prometne marginaliziranosti. Prometna marginaliziranost može dovesti i do socijalne isključenosti te bi zbog toga morala postati sastavni dio socijalne politike i prometnog planiranja. ; This paper deals with the issue of transport disadvantage with the aim of giving a comprehensive overview of transport disadvantage theoretical postulates to provide a better understanding of the mentioned issue and to contribute to future research in the area of transport geography and transport planning. Transport disadvantage is a phenomenon that can affect both people and spaces, and occurs if mobility and accessibility are hindered, limited or disabled. The first part of this paper introduces definitions of transport disadvantage based on an extensive data collection and relevant scientific and professional literature. Next, various aspects of the impact of transport disadvantage on space and society are presented, while the last part of the paper describes the consequences of the impact of transport disadvantage. Transport disadvantage may also lead to social exclusion and, therefore, it should become an integral part of social policy and transport planning.

This analysis of textbooks and working material is based on documents determining the curriculum standards and plans and the programme for primary schools of the Ministry of science, education and sport, as well as the UN conventions regarding the abolishment of all forms of discrimination of women. Covered by the analysis are the textbooks approved by the Ministry of science, education and sport. As focal points of the paper's subject matter and the centres of analysis, six aspects have been singled out: 1) contextualisation of women (individually or as social groups) in the thematic (textbook) framework, integration into the contents or mere addition of separate parts to the textbook whole, 2) lack of specific material pertaining to the equality of the sexes, 3) so-called women contents or subjects (housekeeping, female beauty, fashion), 4) wives, widows, mothers, sisters... of illustrious husbands, sons, brothers, 5) important women -- inclusion or ignoring of eminent women -- rulers, scientists, artists, 6) successful examples -- entire textbooks or some individual solutions. The analysis shows that only a small part of the textbooks and working material successfully integrates contents relating to women in such a way as to portray them uninfluenced by stereotypes. Further, the textbook authors had major problems with incorporating material dealing with women into historical events as a whole. Women and their activities, even the ones perceived as "male", as still merely added to history. Neglect or complete absence of certain great historical subjects has also been noted, e.g. of matriarchate/matrilineality and the subsequent development of the patriarchate. All authors found it much easier to portray women separately, either individually or as social groups, though the latter has, in general, been less successful than the former (important women, rulers, scientists, artists). Their position in various times is almost without exception described by the phrase "women remain at home, they cook, they look after the children, they have no rights..." with some variations in detail, but not in the essentials. Adapted from the source document.

The author thematizes several aspects of political education. First, he describes the attitude of the two foremost international associations for political science (APSA & IPSA) toward political education & shows how political education, from the perspective of political science, can be perceived in two ways: as a field of application & as a field of scientific interest. He goes on to list the main reasons for the revival of interest in political education in the last 10-15 years that has resulted in the acceptance of political education as an essential component of school systems in most democratic states. The author is particularly interested in the manner in which political education within school systems is institutionalized. Based on insights into existing practices, the author offers a classification with four basic models -- political education by means of a hidden curriculum; as an educational principle; as a segment of the integrated social education; & as a separate subject. Using this classification, the author analyzed the existing models of political education in 26 European states. Results show that the dominant models are the model of the separate subject & the model of the integrated social education. The author thinks that such a choice is the result of the research findings that suggest a greater effectiveness of these two models. 3 Tables, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Novi razvojni procesi u gradovima rezultiraju i potrebom za novim oblicima urbanog upravljanja. Tradicionalno (sektorsko) prostorno planiranje usmjereno na lokaciju, intenzitet, oblik i uravnoteženi razvoj, kojem nedostaje aspekt aktivnog poticanja i sinergije s drugim politikama, prepušta svoje mjesto strateškom prostornom planiranju. Strateško prostorno planiranje je proces velikog broja dionika koji kroz dugoročnu viziju, aktivnosti i sredstva za provedbu utemeljuju oblik i okvir transformacije strateški ključnih područja i usredotočuje se na odluke, aktivnosti, praćenje i vrednovanje rezultata. Strateški gradski projekti pri tome se nameću kao logičan alat koji nudi mogućnost integracije ekonomskih, društvenih i okolišnih dimenzija urbanističkog planiranja, programiranja i izgradnje te koji sveobuhvatnim usmjerenim aktivnostima obnove ili novom gradnjom nastoji utjecati na prostornu, funkcionalnu, socijalnu i morfološku strukturu grada. Cilj je ovog rada upozoriti na nepostojanje jedinstvene definicije pojma strateškoga gradskog projekta, uputiti na funkcionalne sličnosti i razlike u postojećim pojmovima: flagship projekt, megaprojekt, strateški projekt i strateški gradski (razvojni) projekt velikog mjerila kao najčešće korištene pojmove te prikazati njihove različite modele realizacije – modele urbane obnove/regeneracije i modela nove gradnje/regulacije. ; New urban development processes generate a need for new forms of urban management. Traditional (sectoral) spatial planning, oriented toward location, intensity, form, and balanced development and lacking an aspect of active encouragement and synergy with other policies, is losing ground to strategic spatial planning. Strategic spatial planning is a process involving a large number of stakeholders which establishes a format and framework for transformation of strategically key areas, based on a long-term vision, activities, and means for implementation; and focuses on decisions, activities, monitoring, and evaluation of results. Strategic city projects are a logical tool to enable integration of economic, social, and environmental aspects of urban planning, programming and construction, which strive to leave their mark on the spatial, functional, social, morphological, physical, and organisational structure of the city via comprehensive targeted activities of renewal or new construction. This paper aims to highlight the lack of a single definition of strategic city projects and to pinpoint functional similarities and differences among the existing terms, referring to them most frequently as flagship projects, megaprojects, strategic city projects, and large-scale strategic city (development) projects and to point to different models of their implementation—e.g. urban renewal/regeneration model and new construction/regulation model.

Europska unija je supranacionalna zajednica 27 država čiju zakonodavnu vlast u EU čine Europski parlament kao predstavnik svih građana Unije, Vijeće EU poznato kao i Vijeće ministara te Europska komisija koja je predstavnik europskih interesa. Fondovi Europske unije su glavni razvojni instrumenti za države članice, ali i kandidatkinje za članstvo u Uniji. Države članice koriste Europske strukturne i investicijske fondove (ESI), a kandidatkinje koriste instrument pretpristupne pomoći IPA. Republika Hrvatska je korisnik sredstava Unije od 1995. kada je postala korisnicom programa PHARE dok je od 2004. kao kandidatkinja za pristup korisnica IPA programa. Članica Unije je od 2013. godine od kada koristi ESI fondove. Članice i kandidatkinje definiraju operativne programe prema svojim potrebama te se kroz njih financiraju brojni razvojni projekti odnosno iskorištavaju se sredstva fondova. U Gradu Vodice tijekom godina iskorišteno je više od 100 milijuna kuna iz ESI fondova i IPA programa gdje je Grad Vodice bio nositelj projekta ili jedan od projektnih partnera. Sredstva su omogućila razvoj turizma koji je glavna gospodarska grana Grada, ali i život građana kroz veću zaposlenost, socijalnu uključenost, bolju infrastukturu. Osim navedenih pozitivnih aspekata korištenja sredstava postoji i negativni aspekt korištenja sredstava, a to su komplicirani i administrativno zahtjevni postupci prijave. EU pomoć članicama i kandidatkinjama za članstvo osim kroz IPA program i ESI fondove pomoć pruža i kroz fond solidarnosti, ali i brojne mehanizme pomoći primjerice InvestEU i dr. koji tijekom krize uzrokovane pandemijom COVID-19 virusa proširuju svoja područja djelovanja. ; The European Union is a supranational community of 27 countries whose legislative power in the EU consists of the European Parliament as the representative of all citizens of the Union, the EU Council known as the Council of Ministers and the European Commission representing European interests. European Union funds are the main development instruments for member states, but also candidates for membership in the Union. Member States use the European Structural and Investment Funds (ESI), and candidate countries use the IPA Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance. The Republic of Croatia has been a beneficiary of Union funds since 1995, when it became a beneficiary of the PHARE program. Since 2004 it has been a candidate for accession and a beneficiary of the IPA program. The Republic of Croatia has been a member of the Union since 2013, since when she has been using ESI funds. Members and candidates define operational programs according to their needs and through them numerous development projects are financed. Over the years, the City of Vodice has used more than 100 million kuna from ESI funds and IPA programs where the City was the project holder or one of the project partners. The funds enabled the development of tourism, which is the main economic branch of the City, but also the life of citizens through higher employment, social inclusion, better infrastructure. In addition to the above positive aspects of the use of funds, there is also a negative aspect of the use of funds, which are complicated and administratively demanding application procedures. In addition to the IPA program and ESI funds, the Union also provides assistance to members and candidates for membership through the Solidarity Fund, but also through numerous assistance mechanisms, such as InvestEU and others, which are expanding their areas of action during the crisis caused by the COVID-19 virus pandemic.

Although Gavella could not have ever heard of Goffman's work, since he was primarily learned in German philosophical tradition, the two theoreticians do share a common interest in the two-way relationship of theatrical acting and everyday performing. True, Gavella is in the early fifties an already well established director and thinker, while Goffman only starts to develop his dramaturgical methodology, but both in their reflections draw on the same philosophical ground, that is, on phenomenology: Gavella in order to build his theory of acting on a certain difference with respect to the everyday performing, whereas Goffman in order to build a theory of everyday performing on a certain similarity to acting. Gavella had hard time in establishing the mentioned difference, still firmly believing in the utopian aspects of his aesthetics, while Goffman was accused of cynicism, of a distopian view of the prison-house of social »language«. The stunning correlation of crucial concepts and ideas of both of these theoreticians (»face-work«; »norm«, »normalcy«, »tact«, »mask«, »sincerity«, »looking-glass self«, »misunderstanding«, etc.) testify to a common obsession with the ways in which the study of misperformances in everyday face-to-face interaction reveals a fundamental crack in social ontology, and therefore in essential, irreducible selfhood as well. Far from matching the refined spectrum of Goffman's endlessly multiplying »frames of experience«, Gavella's extensive anthropological digressions on tacit norms and values ruling social interaction insist on consequences of such insights for the analysis of a specific, Croatian »social atmosphere«. In his view, Croatian milieu engendered a kind of sociality that, due to various historical, economical and political factors, demonstrates symptoms of »deep disturbances« and therefore, on one hand, does not provide a »material of actor's creativity« rich enough, while on the other, is in dire need of the actor's help to find a way out of its cultural impasses.

Ponajviše na osnovi arhivske građe, ali i onodobnoga tiska, prikazuje se složenost fenomena krivotvorenja novca na području Kraljevine Jugoslavije tridesetih godina 20. stoljeća. Obuhvaćeni su uglavnom slučajevi krivotvorenja iz Savske Banovine i Banovine Hrvatske. Pokušali smo obraditi politički, društveni i geografski aspekt krivotvorenja. Osobito se osvrće na odnos vlasti prema krivotvorenju, na sociodemografske karakteristike krivotvoritelja i krivotvoriteljskih organizacija te na geografske tokove novca. Analizom smo nastojali prikazati neke karakteristike krivotvoriteljske prakse. ; The author gives a complex picture of forging money on the territory of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1930s, primarily based on archive material, but also on the contemporary press. He mostly covers cases of forging in the Sava Banovina and the Banovina of Croatia, analysing the political, social and geographical aspects. He pays special attention to how the authorities reacted to the forging, the socio-demographic characteristics of the forgers and forging organisations, and to the territorial flow of the money. His analysis is aimed at showing some characteristics of the practice of forging.

Having in mind the long evolution of constitutions & constitutional politics & the universal appeal of the process of the interplay between virtue & demagogy that occurs during presidential elections, the author touches on several topics. The first are the standard "dogmatic" comparative provisions regarding the election of the head of state which the author looks into through the constitutional-legal prism of the so called selection effect. As the institution of the president of the republic exists in many constitutions & is thus among the most significant institutionalized aspects of political & social life of every country, the author focuses on the extent in which that institution in the electoral context contributes to the affirmation of republicanism, democracy & public sphere. The author concludes that the election of presidents & the effects of electoral selection, among other things, affect the process of political integration that ought -- to not only in Croatia but everywhere & due to a plethora of reasons -- promote the universally accepted ontological principles of contemporary constitutional-democratic state. Appendixes, References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the relationship between political science & political education by identifying the fundamental contributions of political science to the design, implementation, & promotion of political education & lists the most significant political science arguments proving the necessity of political education. Drawing on research by Putnam, Ostroom, & others, he tries to show how the so-called social capital, to a large extent inclusive of the contents of democratic political culture, is a major factor in the efficient operation of democratic government & in the political development of democracy. The three most important issues (dimensions) of politics that compose the axis of political education are analyzed in detail, dealing with the relationships between politics & democracy, citizenship & identity, & cohesion & diversity (fragmentation & pluralization) in society. The answers to these questions (liberal, communitarian, republican, postmodern) influence the concept of political education: its terms, goals, programs, methods, & other aspects of its implementation. The author stresses the complexity of these dimensions & consequently the sensitivity of political education. Adapted from the source document.