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Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

Cheung Kin Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 76-97). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction ; Divergent meanings of trust and institution --- p.1 ; Research questions --- p.1 ; Structure of thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Trust and Bounded Rationality ; Meaning and the four key elements of trust --- p.5 ; Plausible loss due to lack of certainty --- p.7 ; Positive expectation by a trusting party --- p.8 ; Relevance to human interaction --- p.9 ; Intentionality --- p.10 ; Trust and Rationality --- p.13 ; Herbert Simon's bounded rationality --- p.13 ; "Bounded rationality, use of authority, and trust" --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory of Institution ; Institutionalisms in Politics and Exchange of Insights --- p.23 ; Understanding of North's Works --- p.25 ; North's understanding of human rationality and economic performance --- p.25 ; "Core idea, major traits of institution and its relationship with actors" --- p.30 ; Learning and Accumulation of Experiences --- p.38 ; Plasticity of human brain --- p.44 ; Path dependence and change of institution --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Trust and Institution ; Divergent understandings of relationship of trust and institution --- p.54 ; At the neural level: institutionalized experience and neural systems for trust --- p.57 ; At interpersonal and organizational level: reciprocal trust and impacts of empowerment --- p.62 ; At organizational and macro-social level: deprivation experience and social violence --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Conclusion --- p.73 ; References --- p.76

微博在中国的互联网上十分流行,这对中国宣传机构的信息控制形成了新的挑战。微博可以使信息得到快速和广泛的传播,从而增加了国家宣传机器进行信息控制的难度。本文试图探讨微博可以在多大程度上帮助网民挑战政府对信息的控制。通过分析在新浪微博上收集的数据,本文发现微博对宣传工作的挑战有四种机制。首先,基于对微博上热门政治信息的分析,本文发现微博上的部分话语权由媒体转向个人,同时出现了一批对政府持批判态度的超级网民。其次,对于一些热点事件,微博与传统媒体的报道角度与侧重点不同,从而使得中国的政治信息更加多元化 。第三,虽然中央政府可以实现对微博的有效审查,但地方政府时常不能控制微博上的报道。第四,网民通过微博上的信息运动,可以将某些传统媒体不愿报道的事件问题化,这对中国传统媒体的自我审查形成了冲击。本文认为微博可以帮助人民挑战国家的信息控制。 ; The micro-blog, with its huge popularity in recent years, poses a new challenge to the propaganda state in China. The micro-blog is able to spread information fast and reach a wide audience. The liberating potential of the micro-blog on the information flow is in conflict with the control efforts from the propaganda state. It is puzzling then the extent to which the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to counter the information control. Based on the data collected from Sina Weibo, this study finds the propaganda state is challenged by the micro-blog through four mechanisms. First, analysis of political posts demonstrates a partial shift of discursive power from media to individuals and a rise of critical super-netizens in the micro-blog. Second, the posts in the micro-blog report the controversial issues in a different way than the traditional media that contributes to the pluralization of political information. Third, the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to expose certain information that the local government would like to censor. Forth, the netizens are able to problematize certain issues through information movement that challenge the self-censorship of media. This study concludes that the micro-blog is able to empower the people in the battle between state and society on what is fit to know. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Yang, Shen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.VI ; Chapter CHAPTER I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- ...

有關臺灣邊地的拓墾研究,往往傾向研究土地拓墾的過程與組織。其基本論述架構是漢墾戶向官方申請墾照後,官府將界外未墾的荒埔提供給漢人開墾,漢人如何自力或與官方合作經營的結果。這類的研究論述忽略了原來早已存在的非法拓墾行動一直沒有消失。拓墾的申請與其說是新的程序,不如說是一種合法化的過程。也正是這樣一種認知脈絡下,內山設隘開墾的組織就不是表面上所認識的是一批為官方守邊,或是因生番擾害而防番的一支武力組織。十九世紀初隘的設防已逐漸成為一種界外開墾的管道,清代官方檔案也提醒我們注意這些界外開墾的墾戶不僅沒有防番,可能還一直與生番有貿易來往關係。換言之,這些以防番為名的墾戶其實是假借防番為名,掩護越界開墾之實,其向官府強調「生番擾害」的原因只是為自己取得更大界外土地開墾的正當性。 ; 道光年間以前這類非法開墾早已經存在,官方也早已發現界外越墾的問題,因此如何控制界外開墾乃成為官方邊地控制的一大課題。為了處理這些問題,官府不斷調整其政策與設定邊界,從乾隆到道光年以後,這些邊界的浮動,與其說是官方主動規畫計議的結果,不如說是漢人與熟番通過各種途徑越界開墾,建構地權主張、操弄挪移既有的邊界後,官府最終追認的結果。臺灣邊界的變動以及隘墾區的拓墾顯示清代官方政策的實踐是不斷在向地方社會的現實妥協中逐漸調整的,而地方社會也在官方政策的模糊空間中,藉由官方的名義與權威,尋求自己利益的伸張與庇護。這便是臺灣邊地所顯現的一幅國家與地方互動的景象。臺灣作為清王朝帝國的邊疆,其邊地社會的建構,除了幫助我們把握臺灣整體歷史進程的理解外,也提供我們從一側面掌握清帝國擴張的內在軌跡與多元族群統治下的彈性策略。 ; Existing studies on land cultivation in Taiwan's frontier have the focus on its process and organizations. The most popular narrative is that the Han Chinese cultivators were granted the right to the waste land from the government. What is missed out in the narrative is the fact that illegal cultivation that had lasted for so long had never disappeared; therefore the application for license was little more than a move of self-legitimating. In light of this, the organizations which set up forts and managed land cultivation should not be taken on surface value that their purpose was to safeguard the border for the government or defend against the harassment of the aborigines. The forts became a system of land cultivation beyond the border, and the official documents evidenced the fact that cultivators did not defend against the aborigines, rather, they kept doing businesses with them. In other words, the cultivators in the name of self-defending were actually to cover their illegal activities and to grabbing more land, and for that purpose they emphasized the "harassment of the raw aborigines". ; Illegal activities had already existed before mid-Qing. The government was aware of this border control issues and had adjusted its cultivation and border policies. The line was not planned by the government; it was just government ...