Knjiga se bavi rodnim stereotipima i politikom Kraljevine Jugoslavije. Pri tome se polazi od pretpostavke da (rodni) stereotipi nisu puki kulturni balast društva, već da imaju značajnu ulogu u uspostavi uspješne komunikacije, izgradnji identiteta, ali i sustava vrijednosti društva. Nadalje, stereotipi nose prizvuk tradicionalnosti, bezvremenosti i prirodne uvjetovanosti te stoga imaju stabilizacijsku ulogu u vrijeme društvenih lomova (promjena političkih sustava, velikih ekonomskih kriza itd.). S druge strane, upravo se u vrijeme društvenih promjena propituje stari sustav vrijednosti i evocira revitaliziranje, redefiniranje ili odbacivanje određenih stereotipnih obrazaca. Konflikti koji nastaju na imaginarnoj razini u konačnici se prelijevaju na realne događaje i upravo je ta veza između kulturnih (rodnih) koncepata i političke realizacije glavna okosnica istraživanja na kojem se bazira ova knjiga. Razdoblje koje se obrađuje bogato je "lomovima":
Govoriti o odgoju i obrazovanju znači promatrati ih u kontekstu društva a njihove promjene u kontekstu društvenih promjena. Pod društvenim kontekstom podrazumijevamo obilježja društva kao što su: socijalna struktura društva (sistema), brzina društvenih promjena, raspolaganja društvenom moći, sustav vrijednosti, modernizacija škole, globalni društveni kontekst itd. i njihov utjecaj na obrazovne promjene. Odnos društva i obrazovanja nije politički problem, iako se tako prezentira kao pitanje obrazovnih reformi, nego je u biti sociokulturni problem kao problem razvoja društva. To znači da se ciljevi promjena u obrazovanju definiraju u kontekstu ciljeva društva. Za promjene u obrazovanju važno je utvrditi društvena očekivanja utjecaja obrazovanja na društvo kao i na mlade. U predmodernim društvima glavni cilj odgoja i obrazovanja bio je uklapanje mlade populacije u društvo i prilagođavanje društvu. Dakle, kulturna reprodukcija samoga društva. Kao društva s niskim i sporim stupnjem promjena imala su i niske (skromne) zahtjeve za promjenama (reformiranjem obrazovanja). Moderno društvo, pogotovo ono na današnjem stupnju razvoja, proživljava brze promjene i zahtijeva obrazovanja koje će više ubrzati društvene promjene, poglavito one koje omogućavaju brži razvoj u društvu i društva u cjelini te osposobiti generacije za aktivnu ulogu u društvu. Ako društvo shvaćamo kao stalnu promjenu socijalnih odnosa i struktura, onda su i obrazovne promjene (reforme) permanentno društvena potreba. U prilogu se govori o nekim obilježjima i promjenama društva te utjecaju na obilježja obrazovanja, ali i na kulturne promjene. ; Education may not be analyzed without studying the social context; similarly, educational reform may not be examined without a better understanding of the context of social changes. Social context is defined as a set of social characteristics, such as: key social changes and the speed thereof; value systems within a society; impact of society as a system on education as one of its subsystems. The relationship between society and education is not a political one, even though it is often portrayed as such, especially when the emphasis is placed on the issue of educational reform. It is rather a socio-cultural problem, connected to the issues surrounding social development. Therefore, the goals of educational reform must be defined within the wider context of social goals. In order to conduct changes in education, it is important to define what the society expects from education. In premodern societies, the main goal of upbringing and education was to socialize young people into the wider society. In other words: social reproduction. Being of a low and slow level of change, they had a low-level demand for educational reforms as well. Modern societies, and especially highly developed contemporary ones, undergo fast changes and demand education that will accelerate social changes and enable a more rapid development within certain areas of the society, as well as the society as a whole. If society is understood as a place of constant change in social relations and structures, then educational changes (reforms) ought to be considered a permanent and crucial aspect thereof. We will further discuss several social characteristics and changes, as well as the impact of those changes on both education and culture.
The author analyzes the controversial concept of globalization from its technological, political, cultural, economic, & social aspects. He refers to S. Huntington, & also to J. Gray, & uses P. Chatterjee's arguments on nationalist strategy & politics. Jameson concludes that combination, social collective, & global regulation are at the core of all strategically successful responses to the globalization trends. Adapted from the source document.
Foreword -- Daya Kishan Thussu AcknowledgementsI. THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVESAn Overview of New Media in India -- Sunetra Sen Narayan and Shalini Narayanan Theoretical Perspectives: Issues in the Indian New Media Environment -- Jatin Srivastava and Enakshi Roy Political Economy of (New) Media in India: An Institutional Perspective -- B P Sanjay II. POLITICS, GOVERNMENT AND THE MARKETSocial Media and Indian Politics in the Global Context: Promise and Implications -- Awais Saleem and Stephen McDowell New Media and Social-Political Movements -- Shalini Narayanan and Anand Pradhan New Media, Governance and Transparency in India -- Abhishek N Singh and P Vigneswara Ilavarasan Regulation of New Media: The Indian Scenario -- Vikram Aditya Narayan and Raka Arya ICT and the Indian Education System: Challenges and Possibilities -- Anubhuti Yadav Brand Promotion on New Media in India -- Jaishri Jethwaney III. HISTORICAL EXCLUSIONSThe Internet in India: Crystallising the Historical Inequalities -- Uma Shankar Pandey Women and the Internet in India: Denial of Access and the Censorship of Abuse -- Geeta Seshu Disability and Social Media in India -- P J Mathew Martin and Sunder Rajdeep Index
Ovaj diplomski rad odgovara na istraživačko pitanje: kako se razvijala proračunska transparentnost u Gradu Bjelovaru za vrijeme aktualnog mandata lokalne vlasti u periodu 2017.-2020.? Provedena je studija slučaja u kojoj su korištene dvije kvalitativne metode prikupljanja podataka – intervju i analiza dokumenata. Prikupljena građa kodirana je prema pravilima kvalitativne analize sadržaja. U zaključku rada iznosi se kako se razvoj proračunske politike u Bjelovaru može odrediti, iako uz neke manjkavosti, kao primjer ili aspekt dobrog upravljanja. Zajednička načela lokalne proračunske politike i koncepta dobrog upravljanja su – transparentnost i odgovornost. Četiri su glavna i relevantna elementa razvoja proračunske politike Bjelovara: transparentnost kao cilj, aplikacija Transparentno i projekt "Grad Bjelovar – najtransparentniji grad u Hrvatskoj" kao osnovni instrumenti, gradonačelnik kao ključan akter zajedno sa svojim suradnicima i građani kao glavna ciljana skupina. Upravo je iscrpan pregled difuzne i nejasne literature o konceptu dobrog upravljanja koji je relativno nov u području javnih politika, i sistematičan prikaz svih autora koji ga definiraju na različite načine, važan doprinos ovog znanstvenog rada. Ovaj rad predstavlja politološki pogled na ekonomsku temu te ističe važnost proceduralne dimenzije transparentnosti – važno je kako se odlučivalo o procesu. ; This paper attempts to provide an answer to the following research question: how did the budgetary transparency develop in the city of Bjelovar during the term of office of the current local authorities in the period between 2017 and 2020? In order to do that, a case study was undertaken, for which the two qualitative data collection methods were used – the interview and the document analysis. The collected data has been coded in accordance with the rules of qualitative data analysis. In its conclusion, this paper states that the development of budgetary transparency in the city of Bjelovar can be labeled, despite some defects, as an example of an ...
Krajem 2013. i u 2014. Hrvatsku su obilježile dvije vrlo različite promjene u statusu seksualnih manjina. Prvo, ustavnim referendumom istospolnim partnerima onemogućio se pristup instituciji braka. Drugo, novim Zakonom o životnom partnerstvu omogućila im se većina bračnih prava, osim zajedničkog usvajanja djece. Ovo jasno ilustrira sukobljene trendove hrvatskog društva. S jedne strane, poboljšanja u položaju seksualnih manjina mogla su se uočiti još 1970.-ih i 1980.-ih, a nakon prekida tih pozitivnih trendova 1990.-ih, do poboljšanja dolazi posebice 2000.-ih. Istodobno, mnoge formalne pozitivne promjene nisu bile popraćene i promjenama u heteronormativnim i homofobnim praksama hrvatskog društva koje pak postaju očevidne kroz pregled izabranih aspekata socijalne isključenosti seksualnih manjina u sva četiri sustava socijalne isključenosti (demokratsko-pravnom, radno-tržišnom, sustavu socijalne dobrobiti te obiteljskom i sustavu lokalne zajednice) koji se u ovom radu prvenstveno temelji na rezultatima EU LGBT studije iz 2012. godine i koji je nadopunjen rezultatima recentnih domaćih istraživanja vezanih uz LGBT tematiku. ; At the end of 2013 and in 2014, Croatia was marked by two very different changes in the status of sexual minorities. Firstly, same-sex partners were banned from the institution of marriage by a constitutional referendum. Secondly, the new Life Partnership Act provided the same-sex partners with most marital rights, except the joint-adoption right. This clearly illustrates conflicted trends of Croatian society. On one hand, improvements in the status of sexual minorities could have been noted as early as in 1970s and 1980s. After a break in these positive trends in the 1990s, the status of sexual minorities was particularly improved in the 2000s. Nevertheless, many of these positive changes were not accompanied by changes in the hetero-normative and homophobic practices of the Croatian society. This becomes evident in the overview of selected aspects of social exclusion of sexual minorities in all four systems of social exclusion (the democratic and legal system, the labour market, the welfare system, and the family and community system) that is, in this paper, primarily based on the results of the 2012 EU LGBT study, and complemented with the results of recent Croatian LGBT-related studies.
This paper aims to present the development of the social dimension of higher education and the importance of developing social support through competent and professional counselling for students. The establishment of the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) and the social dimension of higher education dedicated to student support ensued from the acknowledged need to advance higher education in the European Union. Along with different measures of student support (such as financial aid, streamlined administrative requirements for admission, institutional support in housing, transportation, food, and health care), social support services, such as guidance and counselling, equally represent a significant aspect of the social dimension. Dedicated institutional structures provide formal social support such as student counselling centres, which offer individual or group counselling and support students in overcoming the challenges of the academic experience. Finally, the activities concerning the social dimension of higher education focus on vulnerable groups, as well as the role and the importance of further developing counselling support at higher education institutions in Croatia. ; Cilj je rada prikazati razvoj socijalne dimenzije visokoga obrazovanja te važnost razvoja socijalne podrške kroz stručno i profesionalno savjetovanje namijenjeno studentima. Svijest o potrebi unaprjeđenja visokoga obrazovanja u Europskoj uniji vodila je utemeljenju jedinstvenoga područja europskoga obrazovanja tzv. EHEA (European High Educatian Area) i unutar njega, posebnoga područja koje se bavi podrškom studiranju kroz tzv. socijalnu dimenziju visokoga obrazovanja. Uz različite mjere pomoći studentima u vidu financijskih potpora, jednostavnijih i olakšanih administrativnih pravila upisa, institucijske podrške u vidu stanovanja, prijevoza, hrane i zdravstvene pomoći. Važan dio te socijalne dimenzije odnosi se na usluge pružanja socijalne podrške u smislu usmjeravanja i savjetovanja. Formalna socijalna podrška ostvaruje se preko specijaliziranih institucionalnih usluga kao što su studentska savjetovališta koja nude usluge individualnoga ili grupnoga savjetovanja i pomaganja studentima u prevladavanju izazova na koje nailaze u akademskom životu. Zaključno rad kroz socijalnu dimenziju visokoga obrazovanja stavlja fokus na ranjive skupine te ulogu i važnost daljnjega razvoja savjetovališne podrške na visokim učilištima u Hrvatskoj.
Srpska demokratska stranka (akr. SDS) bila je radikalna, etnonacionalistička stranka srpskoga puka koja je osnovana 17. veljače 1990. na platou ispred Željezničkoga kolodvora u Kninu, a 6. ožujka 1990. upisana je u Registar društvenih organizacija SR Hrvatske. Osnivačkoj skupštini nazočilo je sedam tisuća građana srpske nacionalnosti koji su aklamacijom podržali pročitani programski dokument. SDS osnovao je akademik Jovan Rašković, šibenski psihijatar, pod "dirigentskom palicom" srbijanske Službe državne bezbednosti (akr. SDB), na čijem se čelu u to vrijeme nalazio haški optuženik Jovica Stanišić, vjerni Miloševićev sljedbenik. SDS je imao vodeću političku ulogu u ratnim događanjima u Hrvatskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. Njezini su članovi organizirali naoružavanje Srba, podržavali ubijanje, protjerivanje i druge ratne zločine protiv pripadnika nesrpskoga puka na području Hrvatske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Općinski je odbor SDS-a za Općinu Podravska Slatina na čelu s Milunom Karadžićem na području Općine Podravska Slatina organizirao naoružavanje srpskoga puka, iskazao građanski neposluh i blokirao rad Općinske skupštine Podravska Slatina. Nakon SDS-ove blokade rada Izvršnoga vijeća Općinske skupštine Podravska Slatina reagirao je ministar pravosuđa i uprave Branko Babac. On je 24. srpnja 1991. donio Naredbu o poduzimanju posebnih mjera u općini Podravska Slatina kojom je raspuštena Skupština Općine Podravska Slatina, a istovremeno je imenovao povjerenika Vlade Republike Hrvatske. ; The Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) was a radical ethnic-nationalist Serbian party, founded on the platform in front of the railway station in Knin on February 17, 1990 and registered in the Register of Social Organizations of the Socialist Republic of Croatia on March 6, 1990. The Founding Assembly was attended by seven thousand citizens of Serbian nationality, who gave their support to the program document by acclamation. Academician Jovan Raskovic, a psychiatrist from Sibenik, founded SDS under control of the Serbian State Security Sevice ("SDB"), at that time led by the Hague indictee Jovica Stanisic, a faithful Milosevic follower. SDS had a leading political role in war events in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its members organized the arming of Serbs, supported killing, expelling and other war crimes against non-Serbs in the territory of Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. SDS Municipal Committee for the Municipality of Podravska Slatina headed by Milun Karadic organized the arming of Serbs in the area of the Municipality of Podravska Slatina, expressed civil disobedience and blocked the functioning of the Municipal Assembly of Podravska Slatina. After SDS had blocked the function of the Executive Council of the Municipal Assembly of Podravska Slatina, a reaction came from the Justice and Administration Minister Branko Babac. On July 24, 1991 he issued the Order to take special measures in the Municipality of Podravska Slatina, whereupon the Assembly of the Municipality of Podravska Slatina was dissolved and a Commissioner of the Croatian Government was appointed at the same time.
In the first part of the paper the author makes observations about the demographic processes and ageing of the population. In the second part some basic data about ageing that determines prolongation of life cycle are presented on one hand, and the decreased rates of demographic reproduction on the other. The second part of the paper outlines the projections about the ageing of the population in Croatia and Europe in the following decades. In the third part of the paper public policies focused on overcoming and mitigating consequences of the population ageing are discussed. These include the concept of active ageing, reforms in pension and health systems and the system of the care for the elderly. Finally, the author reflects on some aspects of the future intergenerational contract that should be based on the paradigm adjusted with the changes of circumstances in which people live nowadays. ; U prvom dijelu rada autor iznosi zapažanja o demografskim procesima i starenju stanovništva. U drugom dijelu prezentirani su osnovni podaci o starenju koje determinira produljenje ljudskog vijeka, s jedne, te smanjene stope demografske reprodukcije, s druge strane. U nastavku se iznose projekcije o starenju stanovništva u Hrvatskoj i Europi u narednim desetljećima. U trećem dijelu raspravlja se o javnim politikama usmjerenim na prevladavanje i ublažavanje posljedica starenja stanovništva. Riječ je o konceptu aktivnog starenja, reformama u mirovinskom i zdravstvenom sustavu te sustavu skrbi o starima. Na kraju, autor se osvrće na neke aspekte budućeg međugeneracijskog sporazuma koji se treba temeljiti na paradigmi usklađenoj s promjenama okolnosti u kojima ljudi danas žive.
Religion & religious communities as active components of each social & cultural set & as major factors in its functioning may contribute to social processes & relations or affect them both integrationally & disintegrationally. The paper lays out the theoretical & methodological grounds (functionalism) for the analysis of these processes & relations. As the examples of the integrational influence on the social & political processes in Croatia following all the social & political changes, we can mention the activities of the Catholic church (particularly in the Diaspora) &, to a degree, those of the Pentecostal church, while the disintegrational influence was exemplified by the activities of the Serbian Orthodox church. The text also includes a comparative analysis of the empirical data obtained from two studies carried out in Croatia (based on several partial indicators), which indicate a marked turn towards religiosity. Highlighted are possible individual & social aspects of these changes as well as the need for a complex & systematic monitoring of the religious developments in Croatia, the results of which might point to the possible integrational or disintegrational potentials of this "new religiosity" within a broader social framework. 4 Tables, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
The paper looks into the justifiability of cirticisms levelled at the role of the World Bank. The meaning & guidelines of two major legal & economic reforms in Croatia are outlined: the changes in labour laws & the implementation of pension reform. The first part of the text deals with the role of deregulation policy, which has probably improved labour market flexibility, but also significantly increased job insecurity. The second part is devoted to the pension reform as an example of privatizing public service sector. The paper investigates the goals of the World Bank as well as the local reform participants. The final part of the paper offers brief conclusions. The main argument is that the described structural accommodations have been designed primarily with the criterion of economic efficiency in mind while the social aspects have been systematically overlooked. 2 Tables, 4 Figures, 47 References. Adapted from the source document.
U radu se analiziraju posljedice obrazovne segregacije i postojeće mjere obrazovne integracije djece romske nacionalne manjine koje se provode u Hrvatskoj. Mjere se sagledavaju s aspekta njihovog doprinosa ravnopravnoj participaciji romske djece u obrazovanju i uspješnom završetku školovanja. Kao mogući odgovor na brojne izazove u obrazovanju i uključivanju romske djece, opisuje se koncept magnet škole kao sveobuhvatni model obrazovne politike i prakse koji je nastao upravo s ciljem obrazovne desegregacije učenika iz manjinskih skupina te poboljšanjem učeničkih postignuća kroz podizanje kvalitete podučavanja i okruženja za učenje. Posebna prednost ovog modela ogleda se u unapređivanju kvalitete obrazovanja za svu djecu budući da se njime artikulirano promiče kvaliteta, jednakost i akademska uspješnost za svu djecu. S obzirom na to da se radi o američkom modelu, razmatraju se mogućnosti implementacije modela u hrvatski obrazovni sustav uvažavajući smjernice uspješnih magnet-škola. ; This paper analyses the consequences of educational segregation and existing measures of educational integration of Roma children in Croatia. The measures are viewed from the aspect of their contribution to equal participation of Roma children and successful completion of schooling. As a possible response to numerous challenges in the education and inclusion of Roma children, the concept of magnet school is described as a comprehensive model of educational policies and practice which has been developed to integrate minority group students and improve student achievement through raising the quality of the teaching and learning environment. A special advantage of this model reflects in improving the quality of education for all children since it articulates the quality, equity and academic success of all children. Given that this is an American model, the possibilities of model implementation in the Croatian education system are considered, taking into account the guidelines for successful magnet schools.
The article presents the results of the research on the reporting about the minorities in Croatian dailies between 2001 & 2003. Besides a review of the existing relevant international & Croatian studies, there is a special focus on the aspects of journalistic selection that vitally influence the readers' ultimate perceptions. The basic findings of the research show that the issues concerning the minorities are predominantly presented as political topics, & reported in journalistic forms with hardly any analytical articles. The representatives of the authorities & the media workers still regard the minority issues as the political ones. The politicians & state officials do this by means of their activities & programs under the pressure of various segments of the public, while journalists do this mainly because of the restrictions of the editorial policies & their paper's profile. At the same time, the representatives of the minorities as a rule do not know how to foist their issues on the media & to focus more on the cultural, social & other aspects of their life, which is vital for their full social integration & their positive public image. 3 Illustrations, 32 References. Adapted from the source document.
