Search results

This thesis deals on integration of ASEAN. The primary objective of this thesis is to find out the potential of ASEAN to be politically and economically integrated like EU, and the kind of difficulties it may face in a mid way. Since EU is a pioneer and benchmark for any integration and ASEAN takes EU as a reference, I choose EU as a base to compare the progress of ASEAN. As for the theoretical aspect, integration theory and its importance in global scenario is discussed. The research sought after the way ahead for ASEAN. This study is based on a comparative analysis of the development of both EU and ASEAN. The information and literature needed for the thesis will be collected from open source, which is easily accessible to all. After analyzing the historical background, present development and future prospect, I think ASEAN is turning out to be the successful regional cooperation. Even though ASEAN took reference from EU in its development, It don´t need to be like EU. Being the cooperation from different group of differently diversified nations, It can pave its own way forward and can lay good precedent for other upcoming regional co-operations. ; M-IR

Finnish psychiatric practice has been heavily based on institutionalization, and mental hospitals have played important cultural and historical roles in Finland. Our multidisciplinary research focuses on the bodily, spatial, affective, and multisensory aspects of the memories of patients, relatives, staff, and their children. The memories were collected and archived in the Finnish Literature Society in 2014–2015. These 92 written pieces cover the period from the 1930s to the 2010s. They reflect significant changes in Finnish psychiatry and provide crucial insights into the various meanings of mental hospitals in people's lives, and the social and cultural forces that shape attitudes to and ideas about mental health problems, psychiatric care, and service users today.
Drawing on our backgrounds in history, artistic research, and visual, cultural and literary studies, we provide new ways of reading and interpreting the memories and experiences in psychiatry. The study discusses memory, mental hospitals as lived spaces, the history of Finnish psychiatry and the relation between the memories of the different groups of writers. The chapters approach memories from the perspectives of affects and atmospheres, violence and abuse, everyday life at the hospital in the 1930s, feelings of fear and safety in the memories of the children of the staff, and the historically and culturally contingent tensions between hospitals and homes.

This book [Mediatized power and the return of the political] describes Finnish decision-makers' relationship with the media. It is based on surveys in 2009 and 2019. In 2009 there were 419 and in 2019 484 respondents, all of them having an influential position in some of the eight societal sectors covered in the study. The results show a moderate change from a consensus-oriented and networking decision-making culture towards a more ideologic and power-based way of negotiating. However, it seems that this has not affected how open or transparent the negotiation-processes are or how prone the decision-makers are to leak confidential information. The decision-makers' relationship with media publicity has become more professional and strategic. The results point to an increased role of social media in communications management while the role of the news media seems to be diminishing. Even though the decision-makers view publicity as an even more risky and strategic arena of political struggle than they did before, they also seem now acknowledge more clearly the rational aspects of journalism. The self-reported role of media publicity as a source of personal authority has somewhat diminished while there seems to be no change in how prone the decision-makers think they are for the impacts of media publicity.

"Prison has always been an attractive object for study in the field of sociology. Few other areas of modern society demonstrate social reality's fundamental ideas so clearly and obviously than prison. Social deviance and stigma, ostracism and integration, control and discipline, power and inequality are all examples of key sociological concepts that are crystalized in daily life in a prison environment.

Fengslende sosiologi. Makt, straff og identitet i Trondheims fengsler (Captivating Sociology. Power, Punishment and Identity in Trondheim's Prisons) presents twelve scholarly, peer-reviewed chapters that explore various aspects of prison as a social phenomenon, both as a part of and an expression of society.

The majority of the contributions build on empirical studies at maximum and minimum-security prisons in Trondheim, but the analyses have a broader relevance – both empirically and theoretically – for our understanding of power, punishment and identity in Norwegian penal institutions. Most of the contributors are associated with the Department of Sociology and Political Science at NTNU, the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, and the department's project 'Fengslende sosiologi' ('Captivating Sociology'). Several of the texts are by former master's students in sociology and present further analyses based on their master's projects.

This anthology will be of interest to scholars and practitioners in the field as well as students and others interested in prison as a social institution and penal institutions in general." - "I sosiologien har fengselet alltid vært et attraktivt studieobjekt. Her demonstreres den sosiale virkelighetens grunnleggende begreper så klart og tydelig som få andre steder i det moderne samfunnet. Sosiale avvik og stigma, utstøting og integrering, kontroll og disiplin, makt og ulikhet er alle eksempler på sosiologiske nøkkelbegreper som krystalliseres i fengselets hverdagsliv.

I antologien Fengslende sosiologi. Makt, straff og identitet i Trondheims fengsler presenteres i alt tolv vitenskapelige, fagfellevurderte kapitler som diskuterer ulike sider ved fengselet som sosialt fenomen, både som en del av og som et uttrykk for samfunnet

De fleste bidragene bygger på empiriske studier ved høy- og lavsikkerhetsfengslene i Trondheim, men analysene har bredere relevans – både empirisk og teoretisk – for forståelsen av makt, straff og identitet i de norske strafferettsinstitusjonene. De fleste forfatterne er tilknyttet Institutt for sosiologi og statsvitenskap ved Norges teknisk-naturvitenskapelige universitet (NTNU) og instituttets prosjekt «Fengslende sosiologi». Flere av tekstene er skrevet av tidligere masterstudenter i sosiologi og presenterer bearbeidede analyser fra deres masterprosjekter.

Målgruppen for antologien er forskere, utøvere i praksisfeltet, studenter og andre med interesse for fengselet som sosial institusjon og strafferettsinstitusjonene mer allment."

Food justice denotes both a social movement and an academic discourse of theorizing what constitutes a fair food system where the benefits and harms of food production and consumption are distributed equally and where every human being has a right to food. In the general discourse of food justice, a just food system is also assumed to promote the sustainability of food systems. In this article, I point out the problems of this assumption by revealing the tensions between the social and environmental aspects of justice in food systems. They relate largely to the fact that local food is not synonymous for environmentally sustainable and low-carbon food, yet the food justice discourse has assumed that re-localization of food systems guarantees its environmental soundness. Another, related tension concerns the democratization of the food system that may aggravate the environmental burdens of the food system in certain conditions when not paired with education and scientific knowledge. I illustrate how the conflicts between various claims for justice emerge, how they could be avoided, and I also discuss how the society could foster the emergence of food citizenship that would promote justice and sustainability in food systems. Keywords: food justice, environmental sustainability, local food, food democracy ; Ruokaoikeudenmukaisuus viittaa ruokajärjestelmän reiluuteen eli siihen, miten oikeudenmukaisesti ruoan tuotannon, prosessoinnin, kaupan ja kuluttamisen hyödyt ja haitat jakaantuvat ja miten yhdenvertainen mahdollisuus ihmisillä on riittävään ja kulttuurisesti hyväksyttävään ravitsemukseen. Ruokaoikeudenmukaisuuden diskurssissa on vallinnut oletus, että ruokajärjestelmän oikeudenmukaisuus kulkee käsi kädessä järjestelmän kestävyyden kanssa. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelen ruokaoikeudenmukaisuuden suhdetta ruokajärjestelmän ekologiseen kestävyyteen ja osoitan suhteen olevan jännitteinen tavoilla, jotka ovat toistaiseksi jääneet lähes huomiotta. Erityisesti tarkastelen lähiruoan ekologista kestävyyttä, joka on otettu usein annettuna oikeudenmukaisuuden diskursseissa: artikkelissa osoitan tämän oletuksen ongelmallisuuden. Toinen samankaltainen jännite liittyy ruokademokratian lisäämiseen, joka ei välttämättä paranna ruokajärjestelmän kestävyyttä vaan saattaa joissain tapauksissa jopa hidastaa ruokajärjestelmän kestävyystransitiota. Lopussa pohdin, miten artikkelissa tunnistettujen jännitteiden kanssa voidaan tulla toimeen ja miten ruokademokratiaa voitaisiin lisätä tavalla, joka tukee sekä oikeudenmukaisuutta että ekologisesti kestävän ruokajärjestelmän rakentamista. Avainsanat: ruokaoikeudenmukaisuus, ekologinen kestävyys, lähiruoka, ruokademokratia

This book explores the media coverage of three prominent Finnish labor market cases in the newspaper Helsingin Sanomat. It analyzes how this arena supported or undermined the power positions of each side and the reaching of the contract. The cases in study are the first proper general agreement in 1968 (Liinamaa 1) and the endeavors for so-called "social contract" by the Government of Esko Aho (1991) and Juha Sipilä (2015). The study identifies changes and continuities in the political discourses, in the ways of making validity claims in political argumentation, and in media/journalistic interventionism. These content analytical viewpoints illustrate the theoretical ideas about mediatization of politics presented in the book. By analyzing corporatist and pluralist aspects of decision making, the book opens a view in the relationships among labor market organizations, the Government, and the media in the three decades studied. - Teoksessa kuvataan, millainen julkisen politikoinnin areena Helsingin Sanomissa rakentui kolmessa merkittävässä työmarkkinatapauksessa ja miten tämä areena tuki tai horjutti sopimusten syntyä ja osapuolten asemaa. Tarkasteltavina ovat vuonna 1968 solmittu Suomen ensimmäinen varsinainen tulopoliittinen sopimus (Liinamaa 1) sekä Esko Ahon ja Juha Sipilän hallitusten yritykset niin sanotuiksi "yhteiskuntasopimuksiksi" vuosina 1991 ja 2015. Tutkimuksen kohteena olevista jutuista tunnistetaan muutoksia ja pysyvyyksiä, jotka liittyvät niin tulopolitiikan puhetapoihin, julkisen argumentoinnin tapoihin kuin median/journalismin toimintaan. Nämä sisällönanalyysin näkökulmat havainnollistavat kirjassa esitettäviä politiikan medioitumista koskevia teoreettisia ideoita. Päätöksenteon korporatistisia ja pluralistisia piirteitä analysoimalla kirja avaa näkymän siihen, miten hallituksen, työmarkkinajärjestöjen ja median suhde on eri vuosikymmeninä julkisuudessa asettunut.

Tässä tutkielmassa tarkastellaan välitystiliasiakkaiden kuvauksia taloudellisen toimijuuden ilmenemisestä ja sen tukemisesta sosiaalityön keinoin välitystiliasiakkuuden aikana. Välitystilipalvelu on sosiaalityön väline, jolla ihmisiä pyritään tukemaan ja vastaamaan heidän taloudellisiin ongelmiinsa. Se on osa taloussosiaalityötä, jossa ihmisen toimeentuloa tutkitaan kokonaisvaltaisesti ja jonka tavoitteena on vahvistaa ihmisen taloudellista toimintakykyä. Välitystilipalvelu on sekä palvelun tuottajalle että asiakkaalle vapaaehtoinen palvelu. Välitystilin tarkoitus on olla lyhytaikainen ratkaisu asiakkaan talouden hallinnan ongelmiin ohjaten asiakasta itsenäiseen selviytymiseen. Tutkielmani teoreettinen viitekehys on Amartya Senin toimintamahdollisuuksien näkökulma. Tutkimus on teoriasidonnainen ja analyysimenetelmänä on abduktiivinen päättely. Aineistosta esiin nousseet taloudellisen toimijuuden kuvaukset on jaoteltu eri ulottuvuuksiin teemoittelun avulla. Aineiston keruu on tapahtunut yksilöhaastatteluilla. Haastattelupyyntö lähetettiin kaikille tutkittavan alueen välitystiliasiakkaille, joiden vastuulle jää yhteydenotto haastatteluajan sopimista varten. Näin varmistuttiin siitä, että haastatteluun tulevat henkilöt ovat vapaaehtoisia ja osallistuvat omasta halustaan. Analyysissa keskitytään etsimään haastateltavien sanoittamia kuvauksia taloudellisen toimijuuden ilmenemisestä ja sen tukemisesta sosiaalityön keinoin välitystiliasiakkuuden aikana. Toimijuus voidaan määritellä monella tavalla, joista tässä työssä hyödynnetään Amartya Senin, Talcott Parsonsin, Anthony Giddensin ja Albert Banduran määritelmiä toimijuudesta. Tutkimuksen tuloksina aineistosta esiin nousevat taloudellisen toimijuuden kuvaukset on jaoteltu taloudellisen toimijuuden ilmenemisen ja taloudellisen toimijuuden tukemisen ulottuvuuksiin. Taloudellinen toimijuus ilmenee asiakkaiden puheessa valinnanvapauden toteuttamisena ja oma-aloitteisuutena. Taloudelliseen toimijuuteen liittyviä haasteita ovat köyhyys ja velkaantuminen sekä vetäytyvä taloudellinen toimijuus. Taloudellista toimijuutta voidaan aineiston perusteella tukea laatimalla asiakkaalle asiakassuunnitelma sekä työskentelemällä asiakkaan kanssa tavoitteellisesti ja säännöllisesti. Johtopäätöksenä esitän, että välitystiliasiakkaiden hyvinvointi syntyy heidän tekemistään valinnoista ja yhteiskunnan rakenteista. He elävät taloudellisessa niukkuudessa, mutta se ei automaattisesti vähennä hyvinvointia. Tulot ja varallisuus toki parantavat ihmisen taloudellista toimintakykyä, mutta ne eivät yksinään riitä takaamaan hyvinvointia. Välitystilitutkimusta ei juurikaan ole tehty, ja sitä olisi hyvä jatkossa tutkia esimerkiksi vaikuttavuuden arvioinnin näkökulmasta. Hyödyllistä olisi myös välitystilipalvelun alueellisen tai valtakunnallisen toimintamallin rakentaminen. ; This study focuses on searching descriptions of the appearance of financial agency and supporting it with the help of social work within mediation account service. The mediation account can be used to assist people in financial distress and address their financial problems. Mediation account service is part of financial social work, which studies a person's income comprehensively and aims at enhancing a person's financial capability. Mediation account is a voluntary service for both the service provider and the customer. It is meant to be a short-term solution to address the customer's financial problems guiding them towards independent survival. The theoretical approach to this study is Amartya Sen's capability approach. My study is theory-connected and the analysis method is abductive deduction. The descriptions of financial agency rising from the research material have been divided into different dimensions with the help of thematization. The research material was gathered via individual interviews. The request to participate was sent to all the mediation account customers in the research area. They were then responsible for contacting me and setting up a date for the interview. This guaranteed that the people participating in this study did so voluntarily and of their own accord. This study focuses on searching descriptions of the appearance and supporting financial agency with the help of social work in the research material. Agency can be defined in many ways. In this study, the definition of agency is based on the definitions of Amartya Sen, Talcott Parsons, Anthony Giddens and Albert Bandura. The descriptions of financial agency rising from the research data will be divided into the dimensions of appearance of financial agency and supporting financial agency. The financial agency appears in customers' speech as executing freedom of choice and initiative-ness. Challenges of financial agency are poverty and indebtedness as well as passive financial agency. Customers' financial agency can be supported with the help of client planning and goal-oriented and regular work with the customer. As a conclusion I state that the well-being of the mediation account customers is formed by the choices they make as well as societal structures. They live in financial austerity, but it does not auto-matically diminish their well-being. Income and wealth improve the financial capability of a person but as such are not enough to guarantee a person's well-being. Mediation account studies are scarce. In the future, it could be studied for example from the aspect of estimating the effectiveness of mediation account service. It could also be useful to create a regional or nationwide mediation account procedure.

Press, Profession and Politics is a festschrift in honor of Paul Bjerke, who celebrated his 70th birthday on 2 October 2022. Bjerke has had a far-reaching career in journalism, research and as a social commentator. This festschrift consists of research articles, professional literature, and congratulatory texts from colleagues and collaborators in the media and academic communities. The anthology includes new analyses of various aspects of professional journalistic practice and reflections on the realities of journalism today.

Three key concepts are central to an understanding of Paul Bjerke's research work: press, profession and politics. These concepts comprise the title of the festschrift and are also used to structure its content, with the goal in mind of providing insight into some of the work Bjerke has contributed, as well as linking the texts in this anthology to his research activities. In addition, we gain insight into his many years as a journalist, news editor, and finally, the editor of Klassekampen.

This book will be of interest to media researchers and researchers in other disciplines concerned with the function of the media in society, as well as students and practitioners. - Presse, profesjon og politikk er et festskrift til Paul Bjerke, som fyller 70 år 2. oktober 2022. Bjerke har en allsidig karriere bak seg innen journalistikk, forskning og som samfunnsdebattant. Dette festskriftet samler forskningsartikler, fagartikler og hilsningstekster fra kolleger og samarbeidspartnere i presse og forskning. Boka inneholder nye analyser av forskjellige sider ved journalistisk profesjonspraksis og refleksjon rundt den virkeligheten journalistikken befinner seg i.

Tre hovedbegreper er sentrale når Paul Bjerkes forskergjerning skal sammenfattes: presse, profesjon og politikk. Disse utgjør tittelen på dette festskriftet og er også brukt for å organisere stoffet. Målet er både å gi et innblikk i en del av de arbeidene Bjerke har bidratt med, og samtidig koble tekstene i dette festskriftet til hans forskervirke. I denne boka får vi dessuten et innblikk i hans mange år som journalist, nyhetsredaktør og til slutt redaktør i Klassekampen.

Boka retter seg mot medieforskere, forskere innen andre fagdisipliner med interesse for medienes funksjon i samfunnet, studenter og praktikere.

Väitöstutkimus analysoi julkisia poliittisia performansseja poliittisena viestintänä. Poliittiset performanssit voidaan ymmärtää julkisissa tiloissa toimeen pantuina 'näytöksinä', joiden tavoitteena on luoda arkisiin rutiineihin yllättäviä katkoksia ja synnyttää uutta toimintatilaa jonkin yhteiskunnallisen ongelman esiin nostamiseksi. Performanssit synnyttävät katkoksia monin tavoin, mutta erityisen leimallista niille on näkyvän, vallalla olevan visuaalisen järjestyksen murtaminen tuomalla siihen erilaisia 'häiritseviä' (disruptive) elementtejä: resistoivia kehoja, valtaa parodioivia kuvia, karnevalistista protestointia, katuteatteria jne. Poliittisten performanssien viestintä perustuu puheen sijaan tai ohella toimijoiden oman kehon ja sen kantamien erilaisten visuaalisten merkkien julkiseen esittämiseen, joskus hyvin äärimmäisellä tavalla, kuten esimerkiksi nälkälakoissa ja polttoitsemurhissa. Väitöskirjassa tällaista viestintätyyliä kutsutaan visuaaliseksi ja esteettiseksi politikoinniksi. Tutkimuksessa analysoidaan useita esimerkkejä performatiivisesta poliittisesta viestinnästä ja kehitetään teoreettisia ideoita sen ominaispiirteiden tulkitsemiseksi. ; In this doctoral thesis I study a phenomenon which I have titled as public political performance. By public political performance I refer to a public event (a 'show', display, demonstration) the purpose of which is to expose in public and challenge those social-political norms, practices, and relations of power which usually remain invisible in the sway of routine political life. I am interested especially in how performance works as a form of non-linguistic, or wider than linguistic, political communication. I theorize and analyze, through several illustrative examples, performances from three perspectives: as corporeal (bodily), visual, and aesthetic communication. In construction of theory I use and partly rework ideas from thinkers such as Jürgen Habermas, Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, and Jacques Ranciere. The study shows that public political performance is a sensitive, even volatile phenomenon because it often manifestly exposes the fundamentally violent power structure of society – as when, for example, street demonstrations induce strong counter reactions from the police and political authorities – and puts this order under critical public scrutiny. Political authorities do not take such challenges lightly, which is why public performances sometimes instigate serious political controversies. The key theoretical ideas of the study relate to performance as something done and en/acted. On the one hand, performance discloses the nature of politics as a 'doing.' This means in simple terms that, in order to subsist, the political world needs to be done, performed, and 'iterated,' every time anew. The term performative describes this social-constructivist side of politics. That the constitution of the social and political power is based not on any 'natural' ground but on continuous re/iteration of certain ways and routines is often revealed only when it is visibly and noticeably disrupted. This is what political performance typically does. On the other hand, performance signifies a particular kind of public show which resembles but does not equal theatrical shows. Performance is theatrical in being an 'art-like' communicative act, yet it is more surprising and unpredictable compared to regular theatre and, because of this, usually more difficult to approach and interpret. Political performance as a contingent and sometimes oddly appearing public event with a surprise effect brings forth the importance of disruption for politics. It alerts us to situations where the normalized political performatives are being visibly questioned by bringing into public space – 'in your face' – diverse disrupting elements like resisting bodies, parodying images, and carnevalism. The relationship between these two, performatives and performances, creates an edgy and 'chiasmatic' political space from which much of political life gains its driving force. This basic idea and relationship constitute the key starting point for this study's theoretical reflections. Political performance is an important subject for political studies for several reasons. The purely knowledge-based reason is that that in directing attention to the corporeal and visual aspects of politics and political communication, performance brings into view phenomena and conceptual possibilities which are too often ignored by political researchers and theorists. The relevance of performance for the field can also be justified from another perspective, through reference to its political and democratic significance. The discussions and analyses carried out in the study show that there are political circumstances where citizens see public performance as the only available means of participation in political communication, with other channels of communication forbidden or marginalized. There are also situations where citizens create, through setting up a performance, space for public communication and action where it has not existed before. Political performance as a way of contesting existing political realities can therefore have special value for political freedom. Political and democratic theory needs to understand, I shall argue, also that category of political action which performs political freedom rather than asks for it.

Tutkimuksen kohteena on kokonaisturvallisuus julkisena toimintapolitiikkana, ja sitä tarkastellaan sekä monimutkaisena ja yhteenkietoutuneena ilmiönä että turvallisuuspoliittisena strategiana. Kokonaisturvallisuus on laajaan turvallisuuskäsitteeseen perustuva, aiemmasta kokonaismaanpuolustuksen käsitteistöstä ja strategiasta kehitetty toimintapolitiikka, jolla tavoitellaan kokonaisvaltaista yhteiskunnallisen turvallisuuden hallinnan mallia. Tutkimuksen päämääränä on analysoida kokonaisturvallisuutta systeeminä, arvioida sen kelpoisuutta, toteutettavuutta ja edellytyksiä vastata turvallisuusympäristön muutoksiin. Tutkimus on metodologisesti laadullinen. Aineistona ovat suomalaiset kokonaisturvallisuuden alaan liittyvät erilaiset ja eritasoiset strategiat, ohjelmat ja muut dokumentit, ja toimintaympäristöön ja sen muutokseen liittyvät Euroopan unionin strategiat ja ohjelmat. Teoriaviitekehys perustuu Niklas Luhmannin systeemiajatteluun, jossa systeemin perusrakenteita ovat kommunikaatio, tieto ja merkitykset, ja joka korostaa valintoja kompleksisuuden hallinnan välineinä. Ajattelussa korostuu myös huiputon ja keskukseton yhteiskunta. Prosessimaisen otteensa vuoksi tutkimus kiinnittää huomiota yksittäisten osatekijöiden tai toimijoiden sijaan prosessiin ja kokonaisuuden systeemisyyteen, mikä korreloi sekä kokonaisturvallisuuden tavoitteiden että kompleksisuuden vaatimusten suhteen. Kokonaisturvallisuuden analyysi sekä tunnistaa tutkimuksessa sen kehittämiseen liittyneen merkityskamppailun, että tuo esiin käsitteen epäselvyyden, epäanalyyttisyyden ja "jaetun merkityksen" puuttumisen, mikä heijastuu strategian ohjaavaan vaikutukseen sekä siihen, miten politiikkaideaa on kehitetty. Kokonaisturvallisuuden politiikkaidea on sinällään laajasti hyväksyttävä ja sillä on positiivista valenssia. Yhteistyön ja koordinoinnin korostamisella uskotaan olevan kokonaisuuden hallintaa kehittävä vaikutus. Turvallisuuden kokonaisuuden koordinointitarve onkin jo pelkästään uhkien keskinäisriippuvuuden vuoksi ilmeinen. Poliittista kelpoisuutta haittaavat kokonaisuuden strategisen ohjauksen ohuus ja hajanaisuus, mikä näkyy erityisesti yhteensovittavan tehtävän vaikeutena. Monet systeemin rakenteellisista peruselementeistä ovat jääneet kokonaisturvallisuuden kehittämisessä vähälle huomiolle. Tutkimuksen mukaan tämä vaikeuttaa sen toteutettavuutta. Kokonaisturvallisuuden hallinnassa olennaista on keskinäisriippuvuuksien ja systeemisyyden tunnistaminen ja hallinta. Tutkimuksen tulosten avulla kokonaisturvallisuutta systeemisenä turvallisuuden hallinnan mallina voidaan kehittää ja edistää. Tutkimus päätyy suositukseen kokonaisturvallisuuden kehittämisen ratkaisumallista (ns. älykkään adaptiivisen kompleksisen turvallisuussysteemin idean avulla). Tutkimus tarjoaa eväitä myös uusien kokonaisturvallisuutta koskevien poliittisten linjausten ja politiikkatoimien muotoilulle. ; The main objectives of this study are to clarify and deepen the understanding of the phenomena of comprehensive security and to analyze and evaluate the political viability and administrative operability. Furthermore, the study aims to analyze comprehensive security as a political process and a complex system. In addition, the research deals with changing security environment, emerging security threats. Originally, the concept of comprehensive security derived from the previous concept of comprehensive defense and preparedness in Finland, but it also has roots in the Nordic states' cooperation processes of civil security since 2009. At policy and doctrinal levels, the 2000s saw a converging trend in Nordic states to-wards the definition of societal or comprehensive security concepts that might co-exist with military-led planning for war-time, but within which the softer aspects of security were paramount. The "societal" approach defines the protection of society as a whole – with its own complex mechanisms, values and culture – as its goal, rather than physical boundaries or the isolated and abstract individual. It also rec-ognizes the capacity of non-state actors within society, from businesses to social organizations and individuals, to play a large role themselves in warding against, coping with, and recovering from disasters. The research questions are: 1. What is comprehensive security like as a policy or meta-strategy, political process and complex system? 2. Is the comprehensive security policy or meta-strategy politically viable and administratively feasible? What kind of conditions the strategies (policies) provide for the administrative operability and the development of capabilities? The theory framework is based on Niklas Luhmann's systems and complexity thinking. Luhmann perceives society as centerless and topless system in which communication, information and meanings are considered as the basic elements. The aim of communication is to cause action in systems and formulate new system levels by creating new chains of communication. The empirical part of the research is established on the methodology of concept analysis, content analysis and policy-analysis. The policy-analysis was conducted by the method of political reading. Political reading can be characterized as 'de-mapping', which refers to opening up new aspects of contingency and thus ex-panding of the presence of the political therein (Palonen 1993: 13-15). Through the analysis of the political process the struggle of meanings was iden-tified. As a concept, comprehensive security is ambiguous, unanalytical and unclear. There is a lack of shared meanings, which reflects on how difficult it is to steer the comprehensive security. By emphasizing its cooperative and coordinative nature, is believed to promote better governance of security. However, the lack of steering hampers the political viability which the difficulties of the coordination clearly indi-cate. Many of the basic elements of a system (information/knowledge, communica-tion and meanings) have been ignored in the development of comprehensive secu-rity. This hampers its administrative operability. The study emphasizes that systemic instruments, systems intelligence, identified interdependence and systemic nature of threats and security environment are essential components of comprehensive security governance. The research produced also 10 normative conclusions, by which the compre-hensive security can be developed further with. In addition, it gives the recommen-dation for the development of a model, according to the idea of intelligent adaptive complex system. It also offers information for new political aligning and policy formulations. Due to the process approach of the research, it pays attention to societal security system as a whole, not to single functions or actors. This fits to-gether with the goals set for comprehensive security and the requirements the se-curity environment and complexity imposes.