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Tsang, Stephanie Jean. ; "September 2011." ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 ; Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 ; Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 ; Online Political Engagement --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 ; Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 ; Results - Survey --- p.82 ; Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 ; Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 ; Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 ; Appendix A --- p.118 ; Appendix B --- p.120 ; Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

Dezbaterile publice privind administraţia publică sunt de neconceput fără analiza problemelor ce vizează autoadministrarea colectivităţilor locale. Carta Europeană a Autonomiei Locale tratează colectivităţile locale ca fundamente ale democraţiilor contemporane, recunoscându-le dreptul şi capacitatea de a rezolva o parte considerabilă din problemele cu caracter local sub propria responsabilitate şi în interesul populaţiei locale. Pentru exercitarea acestui drept, fiecare stat elaborează cadrul normativ, care, sub influenţa mediului politic, social şi economic, este supus unor permanente modificări, operate pentru a da mai multă forţă sistemului de autoadministrare. Prezenta lucrare îşi propune să faciliteze cunoaşterea, înţelegerea şi însuşirea problematicii autoadministrării colectivităţilor locale. Pe planul informaţiei sunt prezentate rezultatele cercetărilor analitice, obţinute fie în cadrul unor eforturi de cercetare, fie în programe de consultanţă. Rolul acestora este de a sugera pe de o parte importanţa cunoaşterii potenţialului colectivităţilor locale, constrângerilor şi resurselor în planificarea unor măsuri asumate formal şi de o manieră sistematică. Pe de altă parte oferă soluţii practice şi sugestii privind aplicarea unor acte normative şi soluţionarea diverselor probleme generate de practicile cotidiene. Înserarea în conţinutul lucrării a problemelor de natură juridică şi teoretică urmăreşte nu doar înzestrarea cititorului cu informaţii relevante şi actuale. Acestea apar mai degrabă ca un reper pentru contemplare, pentru clarificare şi sistematizare şi mai ales pentru a le situa corect în raport cu misiunea activităţilor circumscrise administrării. Lucrarea va fi utilă celor implicaţi în procesul decizional local, funcţionarilor publici din instituţiile administraţiei publice locale, angajaţilor întreprinderilor municipale, studenţilor şi masteranzilor, tuturor celor interesaţi de problemele autoadministrării locale.

Chang Kwun-Hung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-189). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter 1. --- Introduction ; Chapter 1.1 --- The approach of this thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Criticisms on Rawls --- p.8 ; Chapter 1.3 --- Influences from Marx --- p.13 ; Chapter 1.4 --- "Socialism, market, and democracy" --- p.14 ; Chapter 1.5 --- Why should we need equality? --- p.18 ; Chapter 2. --- Complex Equality and Distributive Justice ; Chapter 2.1 --- Social goods and distributive spheres --- p.22 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Problems on simple equality --- p.26 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Complex equality and reduction of dominance --- p.33 ; Chapter 2.4 --- Blocked exchange and free exchanges --- p.37 ; Chapter 2.5 --- Natural endowments and desert --- p.40 ; Chapter 3. --- Criticisms on Walzer's theory of social goods ; Chapter 3.1 --- Loose link between social meanings and distributive principles --- p.47 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Moral considerations and principle of utility --- p.50 ; Chapter 3.3 --- Basic needs and communal provision --- p.56 ; Chapter 3.4 --- Unclear boundaries between social goods --- p.60 ; Chapter 4. --- Citizenship and shared understandings of social goods ; Chapter 4.1 --- Democratic citizenship and political power --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Decentralized democratic socialism --- p.77 ; Chapter 4.3 --- Ruled by citizens or ruled by specialists? --- p.79 ; Chapter 4.4 --- Shared understandings of social welfare --- p.81 ; Chapter 4.41 --- Medical care ; Chapter 4.42 --- Education ; Chapter 4.5 --- Art of separation --- p.91 ; Chapter 5. --- Interpretation and social criticism ; Chapter 5.1 --- Interpretation thesis --- p.99 ; Chapter 5.2 --- Social criticism --- p.111 ; Chapter 5.3 --- Dworkin-Walzer debate --- p.118 ; Chapter 6. --- Problems with Walzer's interpretation thesis ; Chapter 6.1 --- The possibility of social criticisms made by another society --- p.132 ; Chapter 6.2 --- Refutation of interpretation thesis --- p.139 ...

Conceptual-typological Aspects of Local Electoral Systems A democracy cannot be built unless it is based on free elections. Elections are a sine qua non condition of democratic governance. Elections are the central procedure of representation in modern democracies, and our generation has made substantial progress in understanding how voters come to make decisions. The elections were imposed in the constitutional history of the world as activities whose social and political effervescence in society is specific, competitions in which the best ones win. In fact, we make the first finding: the local electoral system is a fundamental area of society, the way it is managed and carried out, it reflects the level of development of democracy. The country's implementing bodies are chosen and this is why it is so important that it is organized and carried out correctly, transparently and democratically. The local electoral system is essentially created for citizens and must represent their interests, which we must recognize, often in practice does not happen very often. The actuality of the theme of this article starts from the premise that an electoral system is closely linked to democracy, because it expresses its values, thus constituting an indicator of the democratic character of a society and, at the same time, it contributes to the strengthening of democracy. Although there are different realities, and the electoral procedures differ from state to state, however, it can be said that, depending on how the mandates for the eligible positions are distributed (won), there are three modalities of electoral system: majority electoral system; proportional electoral system; mixed electoral system.

During the first half of the 19th century, social public care was organized along two directions: commitment of professional beggars, without a family, in specialized institutions, and home assistance of beggars with families (by a monthly pension and by an annual change of clothes). The article relies on archive documents, such as potential beneficiaries' help requests, administrative documents issued by the authorities, lists of help beneficiaries, inquiries, etc. It presents aspects related to the practical functioning of the social assistance: types of beneficiaries, pension distribution procedures, abuses and frauds. The legal limitations of the administrative rigidity of the pension system were strictly defined, even before the assessment of the real needs in society. This is the reason the efficiency of the pension system was lower than expected both by the authorities and the beneficiaries.

This study proposed, first, to carry out, based on archive documents, an incursion as regards matrimonial relationships of XVIIIth century with all legal, economic and social connotations involved. The marriage contracts studied fall into a typology more closely of what was happening in the same period in Western Europe than in South Eastern Europe. This is because such acts have emerged within the former county of Arad in the first half of the century after the establishment of Habsburg domination and after the German colonists were brought into the area.
Besides the juridical problems regarding the contractual liabilities of the spouses, the status of the children, some problems related to wealth and dowry, I tried to mark out some aspects regarding the everyday life of Arad's inhabitants in the XVIIIth century.

Cheung Kin Hang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 76-97). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction ; Divergent meanings of trust and institution --- p.1 ; Research questions --- p.1 ; Structure of thesis --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter 2: --- Trust and Bounded Rationality ; Meaning and the four key elements of trust --- p.5 ; Plausible loss due to lack of certainty --- p.7 ; Positive expectation by a trusting party --- p.8 ; Relevance to human interaction --- p.9 ; Intentionality --- p.10 ; Trust and Rationality --- p.13 ; Herbert Simon's bounded rationality --- p.13 ; "Bounded rationality, use of authority, and trust" --- p.18 ; Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory of Institution ; Institutionalisms in Politics and Exchange of Insights --- p.23 ; Understanding of North's Works --- p.25 ; North's understanding of human rationality and economic performance --- p.25 ; "Core idea, major traits of institution and its relationship with actors" --- p.30 ; Learning and Accumulation of Experiences --- p.38 ; Plasticity of human brain --- p.44 ; Path dependence and change of institution --- p.47 ; Chapter Chapter 4: --- Trust and Institution ; Divergent understandings of relationship of trust and institution --- p.54 ; At the neural level: institutionalized experience and neural systems for trust --- p.57 ; At interpersonal and organizational level: reciprocal trust and impacts of empowerment --- p.62 ; At organizational and macro-social level: deprivation experience and social violence --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 5: --- Conclusion --- p.73 ; References --- p.76

微博在中国的互联网上十分流行,这对中国宣传机构的信息控制形成了新的挑战。微博可以使信息得到快速和广泛的传播,从而增加了国家宣传机器进行信息控制的难度。本文试图探讨微博可以在多大程度上帮助网民挑战政府对信息的控制。通过分析在新浪微博上收集的数据,本文发现微博对宣传工作的挑战有四种机制。首先,基于对微博上热门政治信息的分析,本文发现微博上的部分话语权由媒体转向个人,同时出现了一批对政府持批判态度的超级网民。其次,对于一些热点事件,微博与传统媒体的报道角度与侧重点不同,从而使得中国的政治信息更加多元化 。第三,虽然中央政府可以实现对微博的有效审查,但地方政府时常不能控制微博上的报道。第四,网民通过微博上的信息运动,可以将某些传统媒体不愿报道的事件问题化,这对中国传统媒体的自我审查形成了冲击。本文认为微博可以帮助人民挑战国家的信息控制。 ; The micro-blog, with its huge popularity in recent years, poses a new challenge to the propaganda state in China. The micro-blog is able to spread information fast and reach a wide audience. The liberating potential of the micro-blog on the information flow is in conflict with the control efforts from the propaganda state. It is puzzling then the extent to which the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to counter the information control. Based on the data collected from Sina Weibo, this study finds the propaganda state is challenged by the micro-blog through four mechanisms. First, analysis of political posts demonstrates a partial shift of discursive power from media to individuals and a rise of critical super-netizens in the micro-blog. Second, the posts in the micro-blog report the controversial issues in a different way than the traditional media that contributes to the pluralization of political information. Third, the netizens are able to use the micro-blog to expose certain information that the local government would like to censor. Forth, the netizens are able to problematize certain issues through information movement that challenge the self-censorship of media. This study concludes that the micro-blog is able to empower the people in the battle between state and society on what is fit to know. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Yang, Shen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-98). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES --- p.VI ; Chapter CHAPTER I. --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 ; Chapter 1.2 --- ...