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"The current volume presents a selection of 126 texts in Uyghur posted in public spaces, translated, and annotated for this book. The author started photographing Uyghur texts in 2008 at the time of the Beijing olympics and continued to do so during 2009, the year of the so-called "Urumqi uprising" of July 5. This event generated a stream of texts posted in public spaces that reflected the efforts made by the authorities to re-establish control. In the course of his travels in the years thereafter the author continued to add to the corpus of photographed Uyghur texts. At the same time he started collecting, as comprehensively as possible, various types of folders, brochures, handouts, and product wrappings with texts illustrating aspects of Uyghur culture and society. The texts, published here for the first time, are primary source materials documenting a wide variety of aspects of daily life of the Uyghurs in Shinjang. The implicit messages or explicit references contained in many of these texts give them significance as clues towards an understanding of the existential realities they reflect or illustrate."--Provided by publisher

COVID-19 sent a wave of pandomania across Nigeria, like in every other country due to health risk that it come with, which was declared pandemic. However, its impact has been felt on all aspect of human endeavour; social economic and political. In Nigeria, the pandemic has affects security governance due to pivoted role assigned security agencies in the enforcement of restriction of movement and lockdown imposed by the federal government of Nigeria. The security agencies involved has not been limited to police but it include both military and paramilitary as the case may be. In the midst of continues spread of diseasesand multiplicity of security agencies, security governance became a serious issues. Through the government adopted a pragmatic approached, the result has been of mix blessing. It is in light of the above that the paper examines security, government in theCOVID-19 pandemic periodusing Nigeria as a case study.

Indonesia's ethics and political decency were torn apart in the case of the Democratic Party's internal conflict. This is due to the existence of an element of the government as a regulator who took over the position of the general chairman of the Democratic Party. News about this internal conflict appeared in various constructions by print mass media, electronic radio, television, and online media. The purpose of this study was to determine the social construction of Suara.com's coverage of the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) of the Democratic Party. For this reason, discourse theory and the social construction of reality are used. The research method analyzes text media framing model Zhongdang Pan-Gerald M. Kosicki. The research subject is the Suara.com news portal, while the research object is related to the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress from March 5 to March 31, 2021. The research results from the syntactic structure, Suara.com journalists provide a portion, which does not feature one party and reports publicly about the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress equally from both camps. The script written fully with 5W+1H from both sides is not directed and deserves to be read. Thematic structure, facts are written based on information from both parties. Some are sourced from written statements and analysts from political experts. The rhetorical system, the choice of words or style to emphasize the meaning from both sides, is balanced by the photos shown. Suara.com packaged and framed the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress by not highlighting the Moeldoko and Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) camps but emphasizing the moral hazard aspect in political behavior. With this construction, Suara.com continues to voice the public interest rather than the interests of the capital owners or their political alliances.

The term "freedom of expression" is quite broad and holistic. It includes, within its ambit, not only the conventional freedom of speech and freedom of media, but also the freedom of thoughts, cultural expression, conscience, and intellectual inquiry. Freedom of expression ensures an individual's right to express his/her views openly within the domain of constitution, which also contains the right to be criticial of the prevailing injustices, illegal, anti-social activities, and incompetence and failure of ¬¬¬the government. All this is with a guarantee of safety and without any apprehension or fear of retaliation. Freedom of expression, in contemporary times, also embraces the right to be informed and seek information by the public, to express opinions, and advocate amendments, including changing the regime without resorting to violent means through peaceful measures available in the public domain, with reasonable restrictions. In the past decade and half, Turkish experience as a transitional democracy presents an interesting case study to explain as to how the state of freedom of expression is causally related to the failure of the EU-driven reform process undertaken by the ruling AKP (Turkish: Adaletve Kalkınma Partisi) since the year 2002, when the party won the Parliamentary elections in Turkey for the first time. The issue about the press freedom and freedom of expression in Turkey has for very long time, attracted a great amount of scholarly attention and provoked extensive debate both inside and outside Turkey. Although Turkey remains one of the rare democracy in the West Asia, a region with strong monarchic and semi-monarchic tradition of government, a series of development in the past years has raised several interrogations about the qualitative and quantitative aspects of democracy in Turkey under the AKP.