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Sobre: José Galindo (ed.), Mexico in Focus. Political, Environmental and Social Issues, Nova Publishers, New York, 2015, 430 pp.

Sobre: José Galindo (ed.), Mexico in Focus. Political, Environmental and Social Issues, Nova Publishers, New York, 2015, 430 pp.

En el artículo, derivado de investigación, se muestran las dificultades identificadas en la ciudadela de la Universidad de Antioquia al momento de construir una definición de ambiente en la cual se incluya al ser humano como parte integral del mismo. Para tal fin se aplicaron dos encuestas, la primera que fue denominada "prueba piloto" sirvió para afinar las preguntas usadas en el campo de la psicología a la hora de abordar la preocupación ambiental, ésta es, la escala de Likert; la segunda, fue la encuesta depurada y aplicada entre empleados, docentes y estudiantes de la ciudad universitaria, que ofreció los elementos necesarios para analizar las representaciones sociales del ambiente que comprenden la valoración de los problemas ambientales, el nivel de implicación personal y la capacidad de acción, permitiendo una lectura desde la perspectiva antropológica de las relaciones entre los humanos y el ambiente en ese contexto social.

El artículo es una reflexión sobre la relación de poder y control de las empresas capitalistas con la naturaleza, y cómoa través de la expansión del mercado los bienes de la naturaleza, como bien común de la humanidad, son explotados enformas devastadoras reduciendo los recursos naturales a simples mercancías de compra y venta, sin que estos bienes yservicios lleven incluido el costo de la carga del impacto ambiental-social, por medio del cual se está destruyendo el planeta. Las empresas en complicidad con los gobiernos de los estados y organismos internacionales no favorecen lacreación de instrumentos, políticas y espacios preventivos y punitivos para evitar el daño ambiental social que estasprovocan, debilitando los sistemas jurídicos de protección al medioambiente para continuar la sobre explotación, fielesa su enfoque mercantilista y utilitario. En este sentido, todo el daño que causan las empresas a la naturaleza no formaparte de sus inversiones financieras, no es parte de sus gastos, debido a que no internalizan los costos que lleva producirsus mercancías, haciéndolas más competitivas y rentables, porque no están pagando el costo real que cuesta producirsus bienes y servicios. Frente a estas actividades humanas tan destructivas la capacidad de regeneración natural de lanaturaleza es insuficiente. ; The article is a reflection on the power and control of capitalist enterprises with regards to nature and how, through market expansion, nature as a common good for humanity is exploited in devastating ways, reducing natural resources simple to the buying and selling of goods. Additionally, these goods and services are never including the cost to cover the burden of environmental and social impacts that contribute to destroy the planet. Companies, in complicity with the state governments and international organizations, do not favor the creation of instruments, policies and preventive and punitive social spaces to prevent environmental damage they cause, weakening the legal systems of environment protection in order to continue the overexploitation according to their mercantilist and utilitarian approach. In this sense, all the damage caused to nature by companies is not part of their financial investments; it is part of their expenses as they do not internalize the cost it takes to produce goods. This makes goods more competitive and profitable because not they are paying the actual cost for the production of their goods and services. In face of these human activities, Faced with these destructive human activities, the capacity of regeneration of nature is largely insufficient.

The article is a reflection on the power and control of capitalist enterprises with regards to nature and how, through market expansion, nature as a common good for humanity is exploited in devastating ways, reducing natural resources simple to the buying and selling of goods. Additionally, these goods and services are never including the cost to cover the burden of environmental and social impacts that contribute to destroy the planet. Companies, in complicity with the state governments and international organizations, do not favor the creation of instruments, policies and preventive and punitive social spaces to prevent environmental damage they cause, weakening the legal systems of environment protection in order to continue the overexploitation according to their mercantilist and utilitarian approach. In this sense, all the damage caused to nature by companies is not part of their financial investments; it is part of their expenses as they do not internalize the cost it takes to produce goods. This makes goods more competitive and profitable because not they are paying the actual cost for the production of their goods and services. In face of these human activities, Faced with these destructive human activities, the capacity of regeneration of nature is largely insufficient. ; El artículo es una reflexión sobre la relación de poder y control de las empresas capitalistas con la naturaleza, y cómoa través de la expansión del mercado los bienes de la naturaleza, como bien común de la humanidad, son explotados enformas devastadoras reduciendo los recursos naturales a simples mercancías de compra y venta, sin que estos bienes yservicios lleven incluido el costo de la carga del impacto ambiental-social, por medio del cual se está destruyendo el planeta. Las empresas en complicidad con los gobiernos de los estados y organismos internacionales no favorecen lacreación de instrumentos, políticas y espacios preventivos y punitivos para evitar el daño ambiental social que estasprovocan, debilitando los sistemas jurídicos de protección al medioambiente para continuar la sobre explotación, fielesa su enfoque mercantilista y utilitario. En este sentido, todo el daño que causan las empresas a la naturaleza no formaparte de sus inversiones financieras, no es parte de sus gastos, debido a que no internalizan los costos que lleva producirsus mercancías, haciéndolas más competitivas y rentables, porque no están pagando el costo real que cuesta producirsus bienes y servicios. Frente a estas actividades humanas tan destructivas la capacidad de regeneración natural de lanaturaleza es insuficiente.

The article is a reflection on the power and control of capitalist enterprises with regards to nature and how, through market expansion, nature as a common good for humanity is exploited in devastating ways, reducing natural resources simple to the buying and selling of goods. Additionally, these goods and services are never including the cost to cover the burden of environmental and social impacts that contribute to destroy the planet. Companies, in complicity with the state governments and international organizations, do not favor the creation of instruments, policies and preventive and punitive social spaces to prevent environmental damage they cause, weakening the legal systems of environment protection in order to continue the overexploitation according to their mercantilist and utilitarian approach. In this sense, all the damage caused to nature by companies is not part of their financial investments; it is part of their expenses as they do not internalize the cost it takes to produce goods. This makes goods more competitive and profitable because not they are paying the actual cost for the production of their goods and services. In face of these human activities, Faced with these destructive human activities, the capacity of regeneration of nature is largely insufficient. ; El artículo es una reflexión sobre la relación de poder y control de las empresas capitalistas con la naturaleza, y cómoa través de la expansión del mercado los bienes de la naturaleza, como bien común de la humanidad, son explotados enformas devastadoras reduciendo los recursos naturales a simples mercancías de compra y venta, sin que estos bienes yservicios lleven incluido el costo de la carga del impacto ambiental-social, por medio del cual se está destruyendo el planeta. Las empresas en complicidad con los gobiernos de los estados y organismos internacionales no favorecen lacreación de instrumentos, políticas y espacios preventivos y punitivos para evitar el daño ambiental social que estasprovocan, debilitando los sistemas jurídicos de protección al medioambiente para continuar la sobre explotación, fielesa su enfoque mercantilista y utilitario. En este sentido, todo el daño que causan las empresas a la naturaleza no formaparte de sus inversiones financieras, no es parte de sus gastos, debido a que no internalizan los costos que lleva producirsus mercancías, haciéndolas más competitivas y rentables, porque no están pagando el costo real que cuesta producirsus bienes y servicios. Frente a estas actividades humanas tan destructivas la capacidad de regeneración natural de lanaturaleza es insuficiente.

Social Networking Sites (SNS) as global providers of Internet services raise new challenges in the field of conflict of laws. The most prominent service providers have their headquarters in the US and their business models allow them to offer global services to users around the world under the same terms or conditions. SNS providers typically have recourse to standard terms intended to be applicable to all their users and include choice of forum and choice of law clauses in favour of US courts and US laws. Against this background, the present contribution analyzes applicable law issues raised by social networking sites from the perspective of the European Union (and its Member States). The article addresses the position of SNS providers in the light of the EU harmonization rules on e-commerce and the influence of the place of establishment in the scope of obligations imposed on them. Also the law applicable to the agreements concluded with users is discussed focusing on the implications of their possible characterization as consumer contracts and on the aspects related to the formation of the contract. Determining the law applicable to online activities involving SNS is also essential for the protection of rights and interests of third parties, in particular with regard to intellectual property and personality rights. Additionally, the effective enforcement of EU law to Internet activities in key areas such as data protection requires now determining the mandatory scope of international application of EU or national law with respect to the activities of SNS.

In Argentina, the agricultural development model of extractive character has generated profound and irreversible impacts. To the loss of biodiversity due to deforestation, the increasing territorial conflict linked to the expulsion and destruction of the peasant and indigenous ways of life and the health conditions of the fumigated peoples must be added.
From primary and secondary sources, the article explores the emergence and trajectory of conflicts and controversies around the use of agrochemicals in the Provinces of Salta and Santiago del Estero.

Despite a growing body of literature on how environmental degradation can fuel civil war, the reverse effect, namely that of conflict on environmental outcomes, is relatively understudied. From a theoretical point of view this effect is ambiguous, with some forces pointing to pressures for environmental degradation and some pointing in the opposite direction. Hence, the overall effect of conflict on the environment is an empirical question. We study this relationship in the case of Colombia. We combine a detailed satellite-based longitudinal dataset on forest cover across municipalities over the period 1990-2010 with a comprehensive panel of conflict-related violent actions by paramilitary militias. We first provide evidence that paramilitary activity significantly reduces the share of forest cover in a panel specification that includes municipal and time fixed effects. Then we confirm these findings by taking advantage of a quasi-experiment that provides us with an exogenous source of variation for the expansion of the paramilitary. Using the distance to the region of Urab´a, the epicenter of such expansion, we instrument paramilitary activity in each cross-section for which data on forest cover is available. As a falsification exercise, we show that the instrument ceases to be relevant after the paramilitaries largely demobilized following peace negotiations with the government. Further, after the demobilization the deforestation effect of the paramilitaries disappears. We explore a number of potential mechanisms that may explain the conflict-driven deforestation, and show evidence suggesting that paramilitary violence generates large outflows of people in order to secure areas for growing illegal crops, exploit mineral resources, and engage in extensive agriculture. In turn, these activities are associated with deforestation.

This paper deals with the environmental responsibility of the Statutory Auditor based on an oversight and intermediation role of this body, which is co-working with the State in the social interest. So National Government has given tasks related to inspection and supervision upon economic activities of public and private entities to develop their social purpose in the country in order to tackle environmental issues affecting their performance. A question seeks to address whether Auditing interferes or not to protect "public interest", otherwise it is required to understand its responsibility against environmental issues by entities or organizations where several relevant tasks are done. ; En este artículo se hace una reflexión sobre la responsabilidad en materia ambiental de la Revisoría Fiscal partiendo del entendido que éste es un órgano de fiscalización e intermediación, que colabora con el Estado en la defensa del interés público, por lo cual el gobierno nacional le ha endilgado funcionesrelacionadas con su actividad de inspección y vigilancia sobre las actividades económicas de los entes públicos y privados que desarrollan su objeto social en el país abordando aspectos ambientales que inciden en su desempeño. La pregunta que se busca resolver en este escrito se centra en sí la Revisoría Fiscal tiene injerencia en la defensa del "interés público" y en ese evento comprender cuál sería su responsabilidad frente a los aspectos ambientales de los entes u organizaciones en donde realiza su trabajo

This paper deals with the environmental responsibility of the Statutory Auditor based on an oversight and intermediation role of this body, which is co-working with the State in the social interest. So National Government has given tasks related to inspection and supervision upon economic activities of public and private entities to develop their social purpose in the country in order to tackle environmental issues affecting their performance. A question seeks to address whether Auditing interferes or not to protect "public interest", otherwise it is required to understand its responsibility against environmental issues by entities or organizations where several relevant tasks are done. ; En este artículo se hace una reflexión sobre la responsabilidad en materia ambiental de la Revisoría Fiscal partiendo del entendido que éste es un órgano de fiscalización e intermediación, que colabora con el Estado en la defensa del interés público, por lo cual el gobierno nacional le ha endilgado funcionesrelacionadas con su actividad de inspección y vigilancia sobre las actividades económicas de los entes públicos y privados que desarrollan su objeto social en el país abordando aspectos ambientales que inciden en su desempeño. La pregunta que se busca resolver en este escrito se centra en sí la Revisoría Fiscal tiene injerencia en la defensa del "interés público" y en ese evento comprender cuál sería su responsabilidad frente a los aspectos ambientales de los entes u organizaciones en donde realiza su trabajo

Affective polarization happens when groups develop mutual negative perceptions and feelings. This phenomenon has raised concern among journalists, opinion leaders, and academics, many of whom have related polarization to partisan politics. Previous research has relied mainly on quantitative data focused on the national-level political polarization of Western societies. In this article, we show that polarization and its negative consequences—the damage to relationships and the rise of violence—may arise after divergence with relevant issues unrelated to political positions or identities. We process trace two communities in Argentina with local environmental conflicts to show the interaction mechanisms that start with an issue difference, continue with affective polarization, and may end with escalation or depolarization. By showing the mechanisms of interaction that lead to polarization, we offer a precise and clear explanation of the process that can be tested in further research.

Colombia es un país bio-diverso ambientalmente, privilegiado por su posición geográfica y recursos naturales. Sin embargo, los problemas ambientales como la deforestación, las sequías, los residuos sólidos en bosques y fuentes hídricas, la polución del aire y la minería ilegal, entre otros, están acabando con los recursos naturales y la biodiversidad del país. Con todo, hay agencias de cooperación internacional oficiales, de países del norte y del sur y Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONG), que están ayudando a Colombia a solventar los problemas ambientales. Colombia ha iniciado un proceso de negociación de paz con la guerrilla de las Farc-EP en el año 2012, que concluyó el 24 de noviembre de 2016 a través de la suscripción del Acuerdo de Colón. En el marco de una coyuntura favorable de inversión económica y social en el país, ciertos cooperantes internacionales, desde el comienzo mismo de la negociación a la fecha, han estado activos en la transferencia de recursos destinados a la conservación de los ecosistemas nacionales por cuenta del cada vez más evidente impacto global negativo que se deriva de su deterioro ; CONTENIDO 1. RESUMEN 2. OBJETIVO 2.1 OBJETIVO GENERAL 2.2 OBJETIVOS ESPECÍFICOS 3. Colombia y su medio ambiente 4. Cumbre de la tierra y la Constitución Colombiana 5. Conflicto colombiano y daño ambiental 6. Proceso de paz en Colombia 7. Cooperación Internacional en Colombia relacionada con el medio ambiente 7.1 APC 7.2 Unión Europea 7.3 Estados Unidos 7.4 Alemania 7.5 Organización de las Naciones Unidas, ONU 7.6 Noruega 7.7 España 8. Conclusión 9. Bibliografía ; Colombia is a bio-diverse country environmentally, privileged by its geographical position and natural resources. However, environmental problems such as deforestation, droughts, solid waste in forests and water sources, air pollution and illegal mining, among others; they are destroying the country's natural resources and biodiversity. However, there are official international cooperation agencies from countries in the North and South and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), which are helping Colombia to solve environmental problems. Colombia has initiated a peace negotiation process with the FARC-EP guerrilla in 2012, which concluded on November 24, 2016 through the signing of the Colón Agreement. Within the framework of a favorable economic and social investment situation in the country, certain international donors, from the very beginning of the negotiation to date, have been active in the transfer of resources destined to the conservation of national ecosystems on behalf of the increasingly evident negative global impact that derives from its deterioration ; Pregrado

This book is a bilingual, interdisciplinary volume which proposes alternatives to the myth of human exceptionalism and suggests overcoming the so-called Anthropocene while imagining just futures. This collection of essays offers critical reflections in different areas: philosophy, politics, literary analysis, artistic practice, and pedagogy. It tackles issues such as the cultural consequences of climate change, posthumanism, eco-trauma and eco-speculation, (plastic) pollution, and the relevance of art education and radical hope, among other topics. Applying the prespective of the Biblioteca Benjamin Franklin collection, this volume considers how these issues are addressed on both sides of the Atlantic. [Publisher's text]

Migration is a fundamental aspect of international political economy (IPE). It encompasses every aspect of the field of study but has been distanced from IPE mainstream. Nonetheless, it is an international phenomenon that requires joint participation and negotiation between the sending and receiving countries to determine their policies. Migration generates interdependence from below, where micro-structures are initiated by the people. States, politic, economic and social aspects are inherently touched by people's mobility. In this article we will highlight the impact that remittances have on the home country, and how dependent Guatemala is on fluctuations of the host country. It will explore how remittances shape Guatemala's economy.This article will follow three main questions: Why do people migrate from Guatemala to the United States? How does emigration impact Guatemala economically and socially? What are the challenges the Guatemalan government faces and needs to overcome to move forward from an ever growing dependency on emigration? It will be argued that remittances generate a greater dependency to the US. Remittances represent one of the main incomes in Guatemala. Not only are they bound to the receiving country's volatility (e.g. economic crisis and immigration law), they are not sustainable in the long term. But underdeveloped countries have yet to realise this in their policies, as remittances feature as a cushion to the balance of payment and emigration a relief to unemployment rates. Nevertheless, it is an issue that has to be targeted immediately. Furthermore, it is argued that social networks are the cornerstone of migration. The social impact on determinants of out-migration, diaspora and return are all intertwined within security issues, where American originated gangs return to their home countries, exporting criminal behaviour (known as the cost of social remittances). (1) Maras in conjunction with organised crime are new actors in determinants of emigration. This vicious circle revolves not only around IPE but becomes an international security issue. The state must act now for it to avoid its own erosion and cataclysm in the long term, taking down its credibility, economy and security.Heated debates come afloat between international migration and economic development. On one hand, there is the assumption that economic development will enhance emigration and others who argue the opposite. This article will favour the latter argument that development will improve conditions for potential migrants to stay home. Since Guatemala's emigration came basically from political instability and insecurity, an important variable is the current economic and security situation. Internal migration and refugee movements initiated during the civil war and terror repression, were it is estimated that over 200,000 people were killed or disappeared. A politically generated migration mobilised and displaced 1.5 million people between 1981 and 1983. (2) Most people fled to neighbouring countries as refugees and asylum seekers. This migration tendency was eased once democracy returned and peace accords signed in 1996. There are currently 1.4 million Guatemalan migrants in the US, of which more than half are undocumented. Violence in Guatemala has not ceased and therefore maras or gangs, corruption and insecurity are current out-migration push factors. Development should include not only economic development (higher GDP), but should be complemented with social development that pursues poverty alleviation, education, and security.Remittances have captured most of the attention concerning migration. Worker remittances are defined as 'the quantity of currency that migrants earn abroad and then send home to their families and communities'. (3) They are a source of foreign (hard) currency and can be used towards consumption, savings, investment, affecting both the household's and the country's economy. Globally, remittances to middle and low income countries in 1990 amounted to US$ 31 billion; in 2006 the amount increased to US$ 200 billion. (4) One fourth was sent to Latin America of which US$ 52 billion were sent back and can be compared to foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA) flows.A growing concern in Latin America refers to remittances vis-à-vis GDP. Mexico is the first recipient of remittances in Latin America (net billion and in 2005 represented 45% of recipient of remittances). In Guatemala, remittances constitute one of the highest sources of household income and represent a large percentage of the country's GDP (11,3%) compared to the less than 5% in Mexico. Given the importance of economic migrants sending money home, any fluctuation or variation in the receiving country will make the sending countries even more vulnerable and dependant than what they already are. Latin American countries face a big challenge: create more employment possibilities at home and persuade potential migrants to stay, or ignore and continue, in their best interest, encouraging emigration to ease unemployment rates and gain from remittances. Until now, remittances have been a consistent income for developing countries. They constitute a positive aspect of emigration. However, in the long run, a country cannot rely on 'comfortable' income from emigrants dissatisfied by their government's instability and incapacity to create jobs, and wage differential. The free ride is bound to end, and attention has to be paid before it is too late. (5) Guatemala has become excessively reliant on remittances. The main setback is that they are not sustainable in a long term. If the trend continues, further emigration will stimulate depopulation of the home country. Consequently, economic development through GDP is not the long term answer to fight off dependence on remittances. On the other hand, social and human development needs to be fostered and invest in education, healthcare, poverty reduction and security.The latter issue has given migration a new twist. It represents another major issue to governments to tackle urgently, and a determinant of further emigration due to the growing violence in the territory, just as civil war times in Guatemala. International organised crime and migration has to seek state intervention and international cooperation. If migration and security are not managed wisely, Guatemala can expect a downward spiral and meltdown in the long term. (1) Alejandro Portes, Migration and Development: A Conceptual Review of the Evidence', Working Paper, Red Internacional Migracion y Desarrollo, 2006. http://meme.phpwebhosting.com/~migracion/rimd/bellagio/2.pdf Accessed on 17/08/2010.p. 19.(2) IOM, 'Guatemala, Country Profile', http://www.iom.int/jahia/Jahia/guatemala Accessed on 01/08/2010.(3) Manuel Orozco, 'Globalization and Migration: the Impact of Family Remittances in Latin America', Latin American Politics and Society, 44:2 (Summer 2002), p. 43.(4) Acosta, Pablo, Fajnzylber, and Lopez, J. Humberto, 'How Important Are Remittances in Latin America?, in Pablo Fajnzylber and J. Humbert Lopez, eds., Remittances and Development: Lessons from Latin America. Washington DC: World Bank/The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 2008, p.1. http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTLAC/Resources/Remittances_and_Development_Report.pdf Accessed on 30/08/2010.(5) Emigration has been sought as a 'necessary evil': 'supplying needed short-term economic and social benefits but also imposing immediate human and cultural host hindering long-term development'. Marc R. Rosenblum, 'Moving Beyond the Policy of No Policy: Emigration from Mexico and Central America', Latin American Politics and Society, volume 46, number 4, Winter 2004, p. 104.*Licenciada en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay.MA. International Political EconomyUniversity of Warwick Graduate