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The text focuses on the analysis of the social policies of the Bolivarian Revolution, which have been developed as Social Missions, framing them in the philosophy of the political left and its conception of equality. Since 2003, the Social Missions brought a new way of understanding the notions of social policy and social inclusion, moved the bureaucracy of the State and were built based on the notion of urgency to combat poverty and inequality. They focus mainly on the principles of equality and social justice. The missions express an access to the social policy that has an emotional ingredient, its response to social demands is produced by non-institutional mechanisms, which try to strengthen or create a personal bond between the complainants and the political leaders together with their officials closest. ; El texto se centra en el análisis de las políticas sociales de la Revolución Bolivariana, que se han desarrollado como Misiones Sociales, enmarcándolas en la filosofía de la izquierda política y su concepción de igualdad. Desde 2003, las Misiones Sociales trajeron una nueva manera de entender las nociones de política social e inclusión social, conmovieron la burocracia del Estado y se construyeron con base en la noción de urgencia para combatir la pobreza y la inequidad. Se enfocan principalmente en los principios de igualdad y justicia social. Las misiones expresan un acceso a la política social que tiene un ingrediente emocional, su respuesta a las demandas sociales se produce por mecanismos no institucionales, que intentan fortalecer o crear un vínculo personal entre las y los sujetos demandantes y los líderes políticos junto con sus funcionarios más cercanos. Summary The text focuses on the analysis of the social policies of the Bolivarian Revolution, which have developed as Social Missions, framing them in the philosophy of the political left andits conception of equality. Since 2003, the Social Missions brought a new way of understanding the notions of social policy and social inclusion, moved the state bureaucracy and were built based on the notion of urgency to combat poverty and inequality. They focus primarily on the principles of equality and social justice. The missions express access to social policy that has an emotional ingredient, its response to social demands is produced by non-institutional mechanisms that try to strengthen or create a personal link between the plaintiffs subjects and political leaders along with his closest officials.

The purpose of the present work is to analyze one of the key social policy strategies of the Mexican government, which focuses on addressing the problem of extreme poverty in Mexico. We are referring to the strategy called Crusade against Hunger. The Mexican Ministry of Social Development has defined said Crusade as an inclusive strategy aimed at social welfare, originally focusing on a population of 7.01 million people who are deemed to live in extreme poverty and who experience food deprivation. From its inception, the strategy in question was announced as one of the core ideas of the social development policy of the present Mexican administration. The critical review of the abovementioned strategy will allow us to establish the scope of the same, and to determine whether it is really a strategy as well as a new generation social policy. It will also allow us to ascertain if the strategy in question would minimize or eradicate the problem of poverty, and the effect it has on narrowing the inequality gap brought about by neoliberal policies. ; El propósito del presente trabajo es analizar una de las estrategias de política social, orientada a atender el problema de la pobreza extrema en México. Nos referiremos a la estrategia denominada Cruzada contra el Hambre, definida por la Secretaría de Desarrollo Social, como una estrategia de inclusión y bienestar social, enfocada originalmente a una población de 7.01 millones de personas consideradas en pobreza extrema con carencia alimentaria. La revisión crítica de la Estrategia permitirá establecer el alcance de la misma, si se trata de una estrategia y de una política social de nueva generación, si amortigua o erradica el problema de la pobreza y el efecto que tiene en reducir la brecha de desigualdad provocada por las políticas neoliberales.

In Argentina, the politics of economic globalization developed from the 1990s was characterized by economic liberalization and its reorientation towards external markets. But substantial technological modernization and adjustment policies eventually produce rising unemployment and reduced spending on social benefits. Public policies are interpreted only action the social sectors, biased state capacity to respond to the effects caused by the economic policies and reducing its performance to emergency situations. Social policies arising from these policies were characterized by a high cost allocated budget for implementation and results do little to solve the problems of poverty. Social programs have become a social control mechanism, through which actors with greater power have a strong influence to legitimate perspectives and ideologies in the areas of poverty. Focused in this way, the field of social assistance ends up producing a bureaucratization of public policy and a higher profile fragmented characterized by the breakdown of the actions, the lack of competition and unequal distribution of resources. ; En Argentina, la política de globalización económica desarrollada a partir de la década de 1990 se caracterizó por la apertura económica y su reorientación hacia el mercado externo. Pero, la modernización tecnológica importante y políticas de ajuste que terminaron produciendo el aumento del desempleo y la reducción del gasto público en coberturas sociales. Las políticas públicas se interpretaron sólo a la acción de los sectores sociales, parcializando la capacidad del Estado de responder a los efectos ocasionados por las políticas económicas y reduciendo su actuación a situaciones de emergencias. Las políticas sociales derivadas de estas políticas públicas, se caracterizaron por destinar un alto costo presupuestario para su implementación y resultados poco eficaces para resolver los problemas derivados de la pobreza. Los programas sociales se convirtieron en un mecanismo de control social, a través de los ...

This manuscript aims to contribute to the debate around the political production of family care in the Spanish context. The objective of this work is to question the relationship between gender and care within the framework of Act 39/2006, of 14th December, on the Promotion of Personal Autonomy and Care for Dependent Persons. Our main interest is to know how Spanish public policy related to social services builds and shapes a whole network of public action that transmits, reinforces and (re) produces gender inequalities. We use a qualitative-interpretative methodological approach. We rely on the documentary review, on the discourse analysis of legislative norms and the exploitation of secondary data extracted from the Spanish Public System for Autonomy and Attention to Dependency. Among the primary results, it is highlighted that the Spanish public policy of attention to dependency is deployed under a family concept, with responsibility for the care of women. The Public Dependency System emphasizes traditional gender roles and helps legitimize existing patterns of inequality. We conclude reporting about the need to reformulate the implementation of this System to disengage families, especially women, from care. The theoretical proposal that is defended is to move towards a public model of social provision that is fair and equitable in the field of gender equality. ; Este artículo pretende contribuir al debate en torno a la producción política de los cuidados familiares en el contexto español. El objetivo de este trabajo es cuestionar la relación entre el género y los cuidados en el marco de la Ley 39/2006 de Promoción de la autonomía personal y atención a las personas en situación de dependencia. Nuestro principal interés es indagar cómo la política pública española relacionada con los servicios sociales construye y configuran todo un entramado de acción pública que transmite, refuerza y (re)produce las desigualdades de género. Utilizamos un enfoque metodológico cualitativo-interpretativo. Nos apoyamos en la revisión documental, en el análisis de discurso de normas legislativas y en la explotación de datos secundarios extraídos del Sistema público español para la Autonomía y Atención a la Dependencia. Entre los principales resultados se destaca que la política pública española de atención a la dependencia se despliega bajo una concepción familista, responsabilizando del cuidado a las mujeres. El Sistema público de dependencia enfatiza los roles tradicionales de género y contribuye a legitimar los patrones de desigualdad existentes. Concluimos el artículo advirtiendo la necesidad de reformular la implementación de este Sistema al objeto de desresponsabilizar a las familias, especialmente a las mujeres, del cuidado. La propuesta teórica que se defiende pasa por avanzar hacia un modelo público de provisión social que sea justo y equitativo en el ámbito de la igualdad de género.

Depuis 1992 et la création de l'Union économique et monétaire, les citoyens européens sont de plus en plus conscients des conséquences économiques et sociales de l'intégration européenne. La crise économique actuelle, en augmentant la pression financière sur les politiques de redistribution, a renforcé les craintes du public en matière de protection sociale et de (dé-) régulation du marché du travail. Néanmoins, notre connaissance des préférences en matière de redistribution et de politiques sociales au niveau supranational est encore parcellaire, malgré l'importance de ces préférences pour le soutien politique dans les régimes multi-niveaux. Cet article étudie (a) les facteurs attitudinaux et économiques du soutien à une politique sociale commune et leur évolution dans le temps, (b) l'impact de la crise économique actuelle sur ces préférences. L'étude examine la validité empirique de la logique d'exit , en se fondant sur une analyse de time series cross section dans l'UE des Quinze, de 1996 à 2011. Les résultats étayent la thèse de la stratégie d'exit et montrent un renforcement de cette logique à la faveur de la crise économique de 2008.

Based on the Mexican case, after an evident failure of social policies as effective instruments to fight poverty during neoliberal government terms (1982-2018) and arguing in favor of the convenience of submitting it to a profound reorientation, the present article postulate a thesis where the confluence of interests between the new federal government, that took office on December 1, 2018, and the cooperative and social solidarity economy movement could be produced when social policies abandon their old clientelist, assistance and paternalistic inclinations, in order to assume a citizens' capabilities and skills development focus. Only under these conditions, organized civil society could take responsibility for the solution of their own problems at a local level, counting with a strong and consistent support from governmental institutions.