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The article presents the concept of strategic planning adapted to the realities of social assistance and attempts to prove that this concept significantly affects the demand for research on local social problems that is carried out in local social assistance institutions. This increasingly significant activity, mainly concerning diagnosing and forecasting, influences both the identification of new tasks of social welfare and, consequently, new elements of its organizational structures, which were called local laboratories for research on social policy in the title of the article, and the need to delegate these tasks to specialists in social policy.

Public funds should play important role in rationalization of the social security system as they allow greater control over expenses redistribution and thus over changes in society. However, as the rule of parainsurance is not followed while creating public funds, one cannot hope for public support for fiscal burdens and for diminishing political influence on the tax collection for social expenses and social expenses itself. The lack of public support should not limit possibilities of using public funds to rationalize public finances, particularly social security.

House of social welfare is a place, people live in which from different respects in families strip capability of life. Determination of house of social equipment functioned as a closed total institution in sociology , which is place of stay of number of certain person isolated on longest period from the rest of society. Each self-governed unit leading stationary institution of social welfare should process program of serviceman of gradual liquidation or limitation of meaning of physical barrier and symbolic barrier on direct enclosing this institution.

The article deals with work after the political transformation of 1989 in the light of contemporary literary accounts in the prose of Andrzej Stasiuk, Dawid Bieńkowski, Piotr Siemion, Daniel Odija, and others. The literary works are taken to contain records of personal and social problems, captured as objectivised experience of many individuals. An attempt is made to adapt the methodological proposals characteristic of the poetics of experience to selected approaches to work in contemporary literature. These approaches include: the shortage of work as the key element of social change, part-time work, physical work (often considered inferior and unfulfilling), work on a marketplace (as the release of subdued energy), the work of a small-business entrepreneur (along with bankruptcy as an inalienable element of the experience), and work connected with new forms of capitalist corporate context. The experience of work in the times of transformation, as it appears in literature, is presented in terms of failure, exclusion, exploitation, more than a mirage of careers – although the latter approach is also present, albeit often in the context of irony and parody. In the writers' view, the Polish reality after the transformation reveals a deep social disintegration, while individuals, forced to become self-reliant, do not always win when confronted with the new, capitalist reality. ; Autor zajmuje się doświadczeniem pracy w czasach transformacji ustrojowej po roku 1989 w świetle współczesnych świadectw literackich zawartych w prozie Andrzeja Stasiuka, Dawida Bieńkowskiego, Piotra Siemiona, Daniela Odii i innych. Utwory literackie traktuje jako zapis problemów jednostkowych i społecznych, ujętych w aspekcie obiektywizacji doświadczenia, będącego udziałem wielu jednostek. Propozycje metodologiczne, wypracowywane w ramach poetyki doświadczenia stara się zaadaptować do próby prześledzenia kilku wskazanych ujęć problematyzacji doświadczenia pracy w literaturze najnowszej. Do tych ujęć należą: ukazywanie braku pracy jako kluczowego kontekstu zmiany społecznej, następnie: praca dorywcza, fizyczna, ujmowana często jako praca wstydliwa, nieprzynosząca satysfakcji, praca bazarowa, ukazywana jako wyzwolenie tłumionej energii, praca drobnego biznesmena – wraz z bankructwem jako nieodłącznym elementem tego doświadczenia – oraz praca związana z nowymi formami kapitalistycznego korporacjonizmu.Doświadczenie pracy czasów transformacji w świetle ujęć literackich przedstawiane jest częściej w kategoriach klęski, wykluczenia, wyzysku niż mirażu karier, choć i takie ujęcia pojawiają się – jednak często w konwencjach ironicznoparodystycznych. Zdaniem pisarzy w polskiej rzeczywistości po przełomie ujawnia się głęboka dezintegracja społeczna, zaś jednostki, zdane na siebie, nie zawsze wychodzą zwycięsko w konfrontacji z nową, kapitalistyczną rzeczywistością.

Social cooperatives in the function of social enterprises are classified as a group of employers of the open labour market. In view of their specific functioning they prepare and offer some work places to people being away from the labour market. The article attempts to characterize and evaluate the existing funding opportunities for social economy enterprises in Poland on the example of social cooperatives of legal entities in the context of the development of social economy in the area of social policy understood as one of the components of public policy. This article is a review of the current scientific literature in the field of social entrepreneurship and current legislation on social cooperatives. The presented data suggests that currently, social cooperatives have various forms and sources of financing for their activities. They operate in the sphere of public utilities, filling the gap in the provision of publicly available services which cannot be filled by free market entities or state institutions. Their activity is financed mainly from own funds, which can be supplemented with financial support from the state budget or a local government unit as well as bank loans and the European Union fund.

The article discusses the condition of civil society in contemporary Serbia, with special emphasis on the relations between its representatives and the authorities (both at the local and state level). The main objective of the analyses is to answer the question of the position of the civil sector within Serbia's broadly understood political system. What role do both formal non-governmental organizations and grassroots non-institutionalized social movements play in this relatively young democracy? What is the attitude of the authorities to grassroots civil activities, which often manifest criticism towards the decisions and actions of those in power? These questions will constitute the central axis of my considerations in this article. The research problem indicated above is analysed on two essential levels. Firstly, the article discusses existing studies and research on the nature of civil society in Serbia and the ways in which it functions. Secondly, the author analyses the results of qualitative research carried out at the late 2018 and early 2019 among representatives of Serbian civil movements and organizations. The conclusions stemming from these analyses are presented in the final part of the article. The analyses carried out indicate the problems that face the civil sector in Serbia. First and foremost, one should draw attention to the authorities' rather negative view of the civil sector. What is also noteworthy is an extended network of connections of the authorities with the private sector as well as with right-wing, nationalist, pro-government organizations. These circumstances to a large extent hinder or even preclude dialogue (and further cooperation) between public and civil institutions.

This article examines the role of trust in decision-making processes, which involves major interest groups, representing the world of work and business. This process is often referred to as the concept of social dialogue, which is generally defined as all forms of negotiation and consultation between the trade unions and employers and the state. In this formula, dialogue can be regarded as a mechanism of public policy making. The first part of the article is a short presentation of links between social dialogue and public policies. The second part addresses the issue of trust, which is a prerequisite for high quality and effective social dialogue. The quality and effectiveness of dialogue are correlated with the price, which participants have to pay for taking part in the dialogue and its outcomes. This is an issue of transaction costs, which are determined by "trust capital". The third part examines contribution of trust to the cost effect of social dialogue. The study concludes with a presentation of the research, conducted among trade unionists and employers who have, inter alia, assessed the role of trust in dialogue.

During the discussion, the panellists analyzed several main issues: I. The role of the family and public institutions in long-term care. II. System solutions in the policy of supporting carers of dependent people. III. The method of financing care for elderly dependent people (including the role of social insurance). IV. The ability to provide care to dependent people and public expenditure on it, forms of support for carers. V. The role of the market in providing care and state activities. Outsourcing of carers of dependent people. Relationship between bottom-up actions and top-down actions taken by central authorities. VI. Reconciling the role of a caregiver with work on the free market.

The starting point for this article was research conducted from February to April 2017 and in January and February 2020. The purpose of the work is to show the image and position of the Russian Federation in the eyes of respondents who participated (incl. residents of Moscow, Arkhangelsk, Saint Petersburg and Vladivostok) in in-depth interviews conducted by the author. The principal analysis concerns the results obtained in 2017, and the specific changes observed three years after the initial surveys were completed.

The paper gives W. Lenin's views upon the correlation of productive forces and production relations and the policy of the state. It consists of two part's. In the first one the role of economics in policy has been discussed. The problem has been handled in a historical approach. The works of W. Lenin on the capitalistic economy and the socialistic economy have been a starting point for a survey of the problem. After considering the subject, the authors of this paper came to the following conclusions: a) policy is a reflection of economics, b) policy represents basic economic class interests, c) policy generalizes economic phenomena and processes, which are reflected in the acts of the state and in the activities of social and political associations. The second part of this paper is concerned with the role of policy in relation to economics. An analysis of views proves that W. Lenin has formulated a principle that the rank of policy is higher than the rank of economics. One may state that although economics plays a decisive role in relation to policy, the latter is comparatively independent and plays an active role in relation to economics. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The article describes the results obtained in the research conducted in the form of an analysis of online secondary sources (websites of organizations supporting people with disabilities). The study covers websites of ten major European organizations whose main activity is to help people with disabilities. The research question is: "What topics and issues dominate in the web content created by organizations, and what is overlooked, unnoticed?". The analysis of websites makes it possible to identify five significant thematic categories that dominate the content published by the selected organizations; these categories are - education, legal issues, architectural barriers, financial issues, social activities. In addition, the research makes it possible to diagnose the absence of several critical disability-related topics in the published content. Essential issues omitted on the institutions' websites include adulthood and sexuality of people with disabilities, everyday life of people with disabilities and their families, and individual perspectives of people with disabilities (presentation of topics from the group's point of view, lack of personal viewpoint). According to research result there is also a hierarchy of disabilities in the content published on the websites (e.g., a small number of articles devoted to intellectual disabilities or mental disorders).

Censorship has often been regarded as the archenemy of artists, thinkers and writers. But has this always been the case? This research paper proposes that censorship is not a total evil or adversarial force which thwarts and hinders twentieth-century writers, particularly those who were part of the artistic, aesthetic, philosophical and intellectual movement known as Modernism. Though the word "censor" originally means a Roman official who, in the past, had a duty to monitor access to writing, the agents of censorship – particularly those in the modern times – are not in every case overt and easy to identify. Though Modernist writers openly condemn censorship, many of them nevertheless take on the role of censors who not only condone but also undergo self--censorship or censorship of others. In many cases in Modernist literature, readership and literary production, the binary opposition of victim and victimiser, as well as of censored and censor, is questioned and challenged. This research paper offers an analysis of the ways in which Virginia Woolf (1882–1941), Allen Ginsberg (1926–1997), Czesław Miłosz (1911–2004) and Bohumil Hrabal (1914–1997) lived and wrote by negotiating with many forms of censorship ranging from state censorship, social censorship, political censorship, moral censorship to self-censorship. It is a study of the ways in which these writers problematise and render ambiguity to the seemingly clear-cut and mutually exclusive division between the oppressive censor and the oppressed writer. The selected writers not only criticise and compromise with censorship, but also thematise and translate it into their works. ; Censorship has often been regarded as the archenemy of artists, thinkers and writers. But has this always been the case? This research paper proposes that censorship is not a total evil or adversarial force which thwarts and hinders twentieth-century writers, particularly those who were part of the artistic, aesthetic, philosophical and intellectual movement known as Modernism. Though the word "censor" originally means a Roman official who, in the past, had a duty to monitor access to writing, the agents of censorship – particularly those in the modern times – are not in every case overt and easy to identify. Though Modernist writers openly condemn censorship, many of them nevertheless take on the role of censors who not only condone but also undergo self--censorship or censorship of others. In many cases in Modernist literature, readership and literary production, the binary opposition of victim and victimiser, as well as of censored and censor, is questioned and challenged. This research paper offers an analysis of the ways in which Virginia Woolf (1882–1941), Allen Ginsberg (1926–1997), Czesław Miłosz (1911–2004) and Bohumil Hrabal (1914–1997) lived and wrote by negotiating with many forms of censorship ranging from state censorship, social censorship, political censorship, moral censorship to self-censorship. It is a study of the ways in which these writers problematise and render ambiguity to the seemingly clear-cut and mutually exclusive division between the oppressive censor and the oppressed writer. The selected writers not only criticise and compromise with censorship, but also thematise and translate it into their works.