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La cuestión fundamental que este trabajo plantea es por qué la sociedad se divide. Son muchos autores los que, desde diferentes ámbitos, trazan patrones acerca de este elemento. Nuestra particular reflexión detenta la misión de analizar y conocer cómo este fenómeno se conforma en las ciencias sociales. De este modo, una de las misiones de este trabajo es comprender la polarización política en su variabilidad de supuestos y escenarios. Estas disensiones entre ciudadanos cobran significancia debido a enmarañadas disquisiciones morales, éticas y políticas que dan lugar a corrientes de pensamiento como ecologismo, socialismo, liberalismo, nacionalismo o feminismo. Será por medio de esta última teoría desde la que busquemos cotejar cómo la opinión pública, la esfera política o los medios de comunicación de masas se dividen, aproximan, dispersan y reconfiguran posiciones y conceptos. Así, este trabajo emerge desde la multidisciplinaridad y el saber acumulativo. Lo que manifestamos no es solo la necesidad de reportar un entendimiento de fenómenos como la polarización o el feminismo, sino que pretendemos seguir abriendo una estela para que, independientemente de la partícula de análisis, la sociedad pueda entender y seguir entendiendo, pueda preguntar y seguir preguntando, cómo se entrelaza nuestro mundo. Por consiguiente, la presente tesis tiene como objetivos: (i) entender qué es la polarización política; (ii), comprender qué papel juega el movimiento y la doctrina feminista presente en el ámbito público; (iii), analizar cómo estos fenómenos sociales emergen dentro de los medios de comunicación de masas; (iv), contribuir a la expansión de nuevos métodos de aprendizaje de máquina dentro de la ciencia política. Para la consecución de nuestros tres primeros objetivos se ha dado forma a un marco en donde se ponen de manifiesto las diferentes líneas teóricas y terminológicas expuestas sobre las anteriores cuestiones. Además, se busca con ello poder encontrar unos puntos de conexión con los que dar forma a nuestros planteamientos. Asimismo, y en relación con el último de los objetivos, este busca aportar nuevas líneas metodológicas para las ciencias sociales, empleando estas como modelos de análisis de nuestras temáticas. A este respecto, los enfoques utilizados surgen de la linde de distintas disciplinas como la computación, la psicología y las ciencias sociales, conformándose en lo conocido como Natural Language Processing. Con todo ello, los resultados sugieren que el feminismo no es concebido como un fenómeno polar en los medios de masas españoles analizados. Tampoco resulta claramente polarizante al ser analizado en redes sociales, en este caso en plataformas como YouTube. A su vez, sí hemos detectado que, una parte del feminismo, el que crece a raíz de la segunda ola de este y da forma al género, es el que obtiene la mayor presencia dentro de los periódicos españoles. También, se pone de relieve que el feminismo mediático español está inserto en una serie de tendencias que se ven influenciadas por sucesos coetáneos, como el influjo del poder político o factores de índole social. ; The fundamental question that this work raises is why society is divided. There are many authors who, from different fields, trace patterns about this element. Our reflection has the mission of analyzing and knowing how this phenomenon is conjectured in the social sciences. In this way, this study is aimed at understanding the development of political polarization by bringing a new face to this complex prism. These dissensions among citizens become significant due to entangled moral, ethical and political disquisitions that give rise to currents of thought such as ecologism, socialism, liberalism, nationalism or feminism. It will be through this last theory that we will seek to compare how public opinion, the political sphere or the mass media divide, approximate, disperse and reconfigure positions and concepts. Thus, this work arises from mutable multidisciplinarity and cumulative knowledge. What we manifest is not only the need to report an understanding of phenomena such as polarization or feminism, but we intend to continue opening a trail so that, independent of the particle of analysis, society can understand and continue to understand, can ask and continue to ask, how our world is intertwined. Therefore, the present thesis aims to: (i) understand what political polarization is; (ii), comprehend what role the feminist movement and doctrine present in the public sphere plays; (iii), analyze how these social phenomena boil within the mass media; (iv), contribute to the expansion of new machine methods within political science. In order to achieve our first three objectives, a framework has been developed in which the different theoretical and terminological lines of thought on the above issues are highlighted. In addition, the goal is to find some points of connection with which to shape our approaches. Likewise, and in relation to the last of the objectives, it seeks to contribute new methodological lines for the social sciences, using them as models of analysis of our topics. In this regard, the approaches used arise from the border of different disciplines such as computer science, psychology, and social sciences, forming what is known as Natural Language Processing. The results suggest that feminism is not conceived as a polar phenomenon in the Spanish mass media analyzed. Nor is it clearly polarizing when analyzed in social media, in this case on platforms such as YouTube. In turn, we have detected that a part of feminism, the one that grows as a result of the second wave of feminism and shapes gender, is the one that obtains the greatest presence in Spanish newspapers. It is also clear that Spanish media feminism is part of a series of trends that are influenced by contemporary events, such as the influence of political power or social factors. ; Tesis Univ. Granada.

The domination among peoples is a historical constant. But the begining of the reference to this phenomenon as "colonization" or "colonialism" is usually situated in the modern age. It is not fortuitous such a temporal frame. The notion of "the State", fundamental for the understanding of the concept of colonialism, was gradually taking shape throughout the said historical period. From the sixteenth century, the subjugation of those cultures considered inferior was understood within the same process of unification of territories and concentration of monarchical power. The territories conquered in Overseas zone represented the territorial prolongation of the newly unified kingdoms in the metropolises, and the peoples of these new occupied territories were subjected to a process of cultural transformation that, as it was said, brought them from barbarism to humanity, that is, to civilization. In this early period of the birth of colonialism, the protagonists were Portugal and Spain, two kingdoms whose expansion towards both Africa and America not only caused border conflicts between both christian kingdoms, but will also faced them against the conquered peoples. From the resolution of these border conflicts through the issuing of property titles (bulls) by the popes, and from the resolution of the debate on the nature of the conquered peoples or on the treatment that had to be given to them, were established those principles that, according to scholars, are considered the Sanctus santorum of colonialism. Despite the defence deployed by the dominican friars (mainly Bartolomé de Las Casas and Francisco de Vitoria) in favour of the conquered peoples, and despite the Holy See recognized the humanity and the freedom of these peoples (The Bull Sublimis Deus, the June 2nd, 1537), the superiority of the euro-western culture over that of the conquered peoples was affirmed. Such bases, that is, the application of the notion of res nullius to the conquered territories, the definition of their peoples from their paganism and barbarism, and the "moral duty" of Europe to lead them to the light of the true faith and civilization, despite being frankly contrary to the universalism that characterized the iusnaturalist conception of principles such as equality and freedom, were perfecly matched not only with the Bill of Rights emanating from the liberal revolutions, the American and French ones, but also with the whole of liberal constitutionalism. In other words, from this perfect conjunction between the slavery (or colonialism) and the natural rights declared by american and french revolucionaries, only two conclusions can be drawn: either the enslaves and colonizeds were not included within the concepts of "men" or "citizen" used by the said liberal bills of rights, or simply both categories was to be interpretated according to cultural-racial factors. The beginning of the 20th century implied the opening of a new stage in the evolution of human rights theory. With the Weimar Constitution, It started a process of redefinition of the principles of the liberal constitutionalism. The Weimar Charter initiated the overcoming the abstraction that separated the guarantees declared in liberal constitutions from the reality of the holders of those legal guarantees. As it would be then said in the Weimar Constituent Assambly, with this text, both the liberal rights and the new social guarantees went from being "mere declamations of rights" to being ""true declarations of rights". In the first German democracy, concepts such as "popular sovereignty" of "citizen" acquired an integrating meaning that transcended all the racial, sexist or economic connotations that marked them in liberal constitutionalism. And what is more, the Weimar Constitution integrated the new social class, the workers, and affirmed the humanization of working conditions as an indispensable step for their complete integration into the productive system of liberal states. But, as is well known, the growth of Western industries was due not only to the work of european labourers, but mainly to the efforts of the enslaved and colonized peoples in the overseas territories. The question of the integration of these peoples remained suspended in the Weimar Constitution. It is true that the Weimar Constituent, as deduced from the article 6.2 of its work (the exclusive competence of the Reich over the Colonies) never imagined the liberation of its protectorates in Africa and Oceania. But this firm colonialist will should not lead us to automatically conclude that the first german democracy, like the liberal ones, would have ended up denying constitutional protection to the colnonized peoples. It is highly logical and probable to believe that the new weimarian social constitutionalism, in the same vein of the liberal constitutionalism, could have ended up adopting such an exclusion of Overseas. But it is also probable, although minimally, that the german democracy could have extended its constitutional guarantee to its colonies. The materialization of any of both options could only be observed from the same colonial experience, reality from which Germany was excluded according to the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles. But if from the german experience it is impossible to affirm the ambiguous character of the new social constitutionalism with respect to the colonized peoples, it is not, nevertheless, impossible to affirm this ambivalence from the colonial experience of Constitution of the Spanish Second Republic, faithful tributary of the speech and the new weimarian values. With the analysis of the reforms approved by the Republic in the Spanish Guinea, the present thesis tries to imagine, from the perspective of spanish republicanism, how the new weimar socialism could transform the reality or the rights of the so-called colonized.

The article describes the changes that took place as a result of the socialist industrialization of the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR by the example of the Ivano-Frankivsk region and related urbanization. The architecture of the city of Ivano-Frankivsk (Stanislavov, Stanislav) has absorbed features of different historical epochs. Architectural features different from all other styles as well as the scale of development characterized the Soviet period in the history of the city. The urbanization of Ivano-Frankivsk, Ternopil, Chernivtsi, Uzhhorod, and especially Lviv, is unique in its historical experience. It was "overdue" and was preceded by a radical military and postwar change in the ethnic and social composition of the population of cities where Jews and Poles were the dominant majority. The rapid increase in urban population of the western region of the republic was at the expense of the Ukrainian rural population. Among other major Ukrainian cities, Ivano-Frankivsk was notable for being one of the few regional centers (inferior to Lviv), that was Ukrainized, and played a decisive role in the national-religious movement of the second half of the 1980s. The purpose of the study is to analyze in the historical context the specifics of architectural and artistic design, improvement of the city of Ivano-Frankivsk during the rule of the Soviet totalitarian system ("developed socialism"), successes and miscalculations. Objectives: 1) to prove that irreparable damage was caused to the historic part of the city as a result of Soviet reconstruction. Many old buildings could have been in operation for decades, after preventive repairs. They reiterated the fate of their former owners, who were physically destroyed; 2) to generalize the gains and disadvantages in the practice of housing, industrial and communal construction on the example of frequent cases when in the territory of the new building (quarters, neighborhoods and even entire settlements) the inhabitants were not provided with the most necessary elements of improvement. Significant disadvantages were allowed in the landscaping business. To develop the topic, the authors used a whole group of scientific methods: the principles of objectivity and historicism, which involve consideration of particular phenomena and processes in their development and close connection with the system of relevant social relations; historical facts are considered against the backdrop of political processes, which involves the use of a method of comparative analysis, which clarifies the essence of many significant events for Ukrainian socio-political thought. Design and construction organizations while constructing residential complexes did not always take care of the conservation of natural relief, vegetation, green space. The public carried out systematic work on the improvement of cities, towns and villages. The Party-Soviet authorities tried to chalk up all the achievements. The regional center of Ivano-Frankivsk gained the glory of a beautiful city. At one time, it won prizes in urban competitions. This glory was preserved and multiplied by the city's inhabitants, despite the adverse political conditions of the totalitarian system through creative approach to the renewal and expansion of the city, attentive and careful attitude to the existing capital buildings and nature. Keywords: architectural styles, Ivano-Frankivsk, complex development, residential areas, landscaping, planting. ; У статті охарактеризовано зміни, що відбулися внаслідок соціалістичної індустріалізації західних областей Української РСР на прикладі Івано-Франківщини й пов'язаною з нею урбанізацією. Архітектура міста Івано-Франківськ (Станіславова, Станіслава) увібрала зрізи цілих історичних епох. Радянський період в історії міста характеризувався своїми відмінними від усіх інших стилів архітек­турними рисами та масштабністю забудови. Ур­ба­нізація Івано-Франківська, Тернополя, Чернівців, Ужгорода, а особливо Львова є унікальною в історичному досвіді. Вона є "запізнілою" і їй передувала до­корінна воєнна і повоєнна зміна етносоціального складу населення міст, де до­мі­нуючу більшість ста­новили євреї і поляки. Стрімке зростання чисельності міських мешканців західного ре­гіону респуб­ліки відбувалося за рахунок українського сільського населення. З-поміж інших великих українських міст Івано-Франківськ вирізнявся тим, що був одним із не багатьох обласних центрів (поступався Львову), що українізувався та відіграв визначальну роль в національно-релігійному русі другої половини 1980-хроків. Мета дослідження – в історичному контексті проаналізувати специфіку архітектурно-худож­нього оформ­лення, благоустрою міста Івано-Франківська в період панування радянської тоталітарної системи ("розвинутого соціалізму"), успіхи і прорахунки. Завдання: 1) довести, що історичній частині міста внаслідок радянської ре­конст­рукції було завдано непоправимої шкоди. Багато старих будинків після профілактичного ремонту могли експлуатуватися ще десятки років. Вони повторили долю свої колишніх власників, котрі у своїй більшості були фізично знищені; 2) узагальнити здобутки і недоліки у практиці житлового, промислового і комунального будівництва на прикладі непоодиноких випадків, коли на території нової забудови (кварталів, мікрорайонів і навіть цілих населених пунктів) мешканці не забезпечувалися найнеобхіднішими елементами благоустрою. Істотні недоліки допускалися у справі озеленення. Для розробки теми, автори використали цілу групу наукових методів: принципи об'єктивності та історизму, що передбачають розгляд окремих явищ і процесів у їх розвитку та тісному зв'язку із системою відповідних суспільних відносин; історичні факти розглядаються на фоні політичних процесів, що передбачає застосування методу порівняльного аналізу, завдяки якому з'ясовано сутність ба­гатьох знакових для української суспільно-політичної думки подій. Проектні і будівельні організації при спорудженні житлових комплексів не завжди дбали про збереження природного рельєфу, рослин­ного шару, зелених насаджень. Роботи з благоустрою міст, селищ і сіл громадськість проводила систе­матично. Партійно-радянська влада намагалася усі досягнення у цій справі записати на свій рахунок. Обласний центр Івано-Франківськ здобув славу красивого міста. У свій час він займав призові місця у змаганнях з благоустрою серед міст України. Цю славу мешканці міста зберігали та примножували не­зважаючи на несприятливі політичні умови тоталітарної системи шляхом творчого підходу до оновлення і розширення міста, уважного і бережливого ставлення до існуючої капітальної забудови та природи. Ключові слова: архітектурні стилі, м. Івано-Франківськ, комплексна забудова, жилі масиви, благоустрій, озеленення.