Search results

Many of the thousands of Russians who protested against the Soviet system in 1990/91 are still around. In 2001, there were an estimated 200,000 nongovernmental organizations. However, like the civil society in general, they are contributing little to consolidate democracy. Questioned here is whether the public even constitutes a civil society, so little do they do to develop democratic institutions. This chapter analyzes the development of both Soviet & post-Soviet society in terms of their demonstration of independence from as opposed to obedience to the state. It is argued that, like political parties, they do not have a cultural precedent for civic action, nor do they have sufficient economic resources, since post-Soviet economic development in Russia has benefited only a few, who have no reason to change the status quo. The history of what might be called Russia's civil society is traced, & possibilities for change are suggested. J. Stanton

Suggests that contemporary forms of liberal political reason & practices of governance have found ways in which society can be bypassed, thus threatening the usefulness of sociology in the present moment. It is shown that concern for the social arose in tandem with modern economies of liberal & institutional regimes in the form of notions of social health, promotion, defense, security, & insurance. By the mid-20th century, the social was firmly established as a domain of knowledge around two poles: society & the individual. The demise of the social is traced to a series of critiques of the welfare state beginning in the 1960s: (1) social movement critiques; (2) critiques of professions & expertise; & (3) a celebration of the self & techniques of self-renewal initiated by countercultural movements. These critiques have led to reformulations of basic concepts -- eg, freedom, the market, interests, & choice -- which, collectively, have dissolved liberal democracies into multiple forms, & the development of new, multiple strategies & techniques for managing the self & populations. It is suggested that sociology has several tasks in this environment, including political intervention, naming operative forms of power, & diagnosing the current situation. 56 References. D. M. Smith

The growth of the concept of civil society in Venezuela since the 1970s is explored to argue that the origin of organized civil society is located in the struggle between the military & civilians which has dominated Venezuelan political history. The two different modes and of formation & development of civil society in Venezuela are distinguished as first, a traditional variant forms by unions & professional associations co-opted by political parties prior to 1958, & second, a new civil society that arose at the margin of the system of representation established within the framework of the Pact of Punto Fijo. Venezuelan civil society during the Punto Fijo is characterized as a space of nonparty, nonstate, voluntarily formed, nonprofit citizen organization which arose outside the interest group & labor union world. The formative stage of the new civil society in Venezuela occurring during the 1960s & 70s is characterized as the appearance of autonomous urban organizations oriented towards improving the living conditions of neighborhood & women's groups, promoting & providing educational work in communities, & environmental & cooperative struggles. The second stage of new civil organization beginning in 1989 seemed an ever-growing quantitative & qualitative presence in public life that culminated in a crucial role in the constitutional design of the new political system in 1999 that has resulted in a reenergizing of the parties & diminishing the space of the new civil society. The Fifth Republic's attempt at statist incorporation has led civil society to an open & direct confrontation with the state & the government parties, resulting in the politicization of civil society. The Venezuelan democratic model will include from now on, a politically mobilized civil society that can influence & hold more accountable political parties & government. J. Harwell

Considers how to transform an unsustainable society into a sustainable one, addressing five concomitant questions: (1) How did we get into this predicament? (2) Why is modern society unsustainable? (3) What happens if we do not change? (4) What must change for society to survive? (5) How do we make these changes? Values of a sustainable society are contrasted with those inherent to modern society, & it is contended that economic growth cannot remain the top priority. Sustainable societies would encourage scientific/technological development but not without developing social controls for the inevitable potential for evil some advances possess. In addition, the idea of social learning would form the basis for social change; ie, social change is only possible if we change the way we think. This "learning our way to a new society" is viewed as critical to social change & requires an awareness of a need for change. Several specific recommendations for bringing about a sustainable society are offered in conclusion. J. Zendejas

Following an overview of the dimensions of the state-society perspective, it is argued that it represents a robust tradition in the study of comparative political development. Three themes are discerned: (1) Future research will benefit from genuinely comparative approaches, particularly across developing regions; further, positioning the examination of authority formation processes in ideological & economic global context is necessary. (2) The study of authority structures will have to transcend the continuing categorization of democratic & authoritarian regime types, with variations within democracies taking center stage. (3) Analysis of the state role in economic analysis will profit from a focus on political & bureaucratic needs while looking to address from where varying state capacities in pursuit of development derive. Research targeting the emergence of authority structures in the context of development, particularly revolutionary & bureaucratic authority regimes & democracies is considered. Attention turns to analyses of the effect of state structures & actions on the developing countries' societies & economies. Criticisms of the state-society perspective are addressed, highlighting the culturalist & rational choice approaches. Some prospective research avenues are offered. J. Zendejas

Chronicles the history of public education in Germany from the foundation of the first universities in the 14th century to the present, highlighting issues of (1) state & church power, (2) hierarchical organization, (3) goals & curricula, (4) social function, & (5) pedagogies & politics. It is shown how the schools served to preserve social segmentation based on the principle of "occupational estates" (Berufsstande), through which, following elementary education at the Volksschules, the lower classes were steered into vocational training while the middle & upper classes enjoyed an education at gymnasiums (secondary schools) that allowed them entrance into bourgeoisie society or membership in the aristocracy as educated elite. Changes in educational policy under National Socialism & during the post-WWII period are outlined, tracing the development of more equal educational opportunities for all children. A call is made for continued educational reform to more closely link general & vocational education so as to improve coordination between education & employment. K. Hyatt Stewart

Compares the notion of civil society to other forms of social arrangements, drawing on the secondary literature. Typically, social forms of organization are faced with incompatibility between the need for control & authority & the desire for moral forms of affiliation. Thus, while voluntary associations are often referred to as the cornerstone of civil society, if they are too large or hierarchical, they lose the key moral aspects that supposedly define that sphere. Some social movements avoid this dilemma, but, to achieve long-term success, they often evolve into strongly intolerant voluntary associations. The network is also identified as an alternative form of social organization characteristic of civil society, but it too suffers from the tension between obligations & control & a democratic sensibility. It is concluded that to establish & reproduce civil society is a difficult & fragile process. Therefore, successful efforts in this regard ought to be understood as contingent, vulnerable achievements that depend on a unique organizational constellation & historical context. 26 References. D. Ryfe

Despite the recent emphasis on civil society as an engine for transforming the political & social arenas, it is questionable whether the foundations necessary for the creation & maintenance of civil society are present in contemporary social formations. In fact, the requisites for creating civil society have been steadily undermined in Europe, North America, & elsewhere in the recent past. Today's society is properly understood as a post-civil society. The social networks & forms of cooperation embedded in contemporary social practices could prove to be the source of a new movement, with new forms of exchange & a new concept of liberation. 32 References. A. Funderburg

Despite the recent emphasis on civil society as an engine for transforming the political & social arenas, it is questionable whether the foundations necessary for the creation & maintenance of civil society are present in contemporary social formations. In fact, the requisites for creating civil society have been steadily undermined in Europe, North America, & elsewhere in the recent past. Today's society is properly understood as a post-civil society. The social networks & forms of cooperation embedded in contemporary social practices could prove to be the source of a new movement, with new forms of exchange & a new concept of liberation. 32 References. A. Funderburg

Important role played by civil society in a democratic transition is explored using the example of the Ukranian Orange Revolution. Despite the uniqueness of every revolution, there are two ways civil society's influence is important in all revolutions. The first is in the correlation between civil society's level of maturity & the form & manner of public protest. The second is reflected in the eventual outcome of the democratic transition. Other universal factors include evidence of government subversion of the election process & widespread fraud. Two key advantages in the case of the Ukraine were the existence of a unique concept of civil society that favored loose communities attuned to political information & analysis, & the development of a civil society that was open to the establishment of election monitoring & polling. Additionally important was an informed citizenry, & the presence of volunteers trained by Yellow Pora in underground organizing techniques. The seventeen day nonviolent protest in Maidan is asserted to have created a qualitatively new type of civil society, one that transcended the need for connection with state or government, & one centered on a new civic nationalism. The author concludes by arguing that the nonviolent & innovative strategies of Ukrainian civil society so important in the Orange Revolution, exemplify the importance of a strong civil society. J. Harwell

Ausgangspunkt ist die These, daß die Analyse von Organisationen der Schlüssel zum Verständnis unserer Gesellschaft ist, weil Organisationen vieles der Gesellschaft in sich aufgenommen haben. Am Beispiel von Organisationen in den USA werden drei Phänomene beschrieben, die charakteristisch für eine Gesellschaft von Organisationen sind: 1. Lohnabhängigkeit, die die Bürger für die Organisationen verfügbar macht; 2. die Abwälzung der Sozialkosten der wachsenden Aktivitäten der Organisation auf die Bürger; 3. die Entwicklung und Ausbreitung einer neuen Form der Bürokratie, die Kontrolle unaufdringlich macht. Alle zusammen führen zu einer Gesellschaft von Organisationen, in der wachsende Komplexität und wechselseitige Abhängigkeit ökonomische und soziale Krisen hervorbringen. (GF)

To explore how civil society constitutes itself in weak states and how the state and other factors, such as a country's historical legacy, its political system, its ethnic composition, its majority religion, or its level of economic growth, influence the development of national civil societies, this study takes the empirical, analytical literature on civil society as a starting point (e.g. Alexander 1998; Guan 2004; Lauth 2003; Lewis 2001; Wischermann 2005). Notably, this literature suggests that the concept of civil society must be systematically contextualized. A relational understanding that consequently relates civil society to the context of action in which it operates is a fruitful approach to this endeavour (Lorch 2006). Building on the works of Alexander (1998, pp. 7f.), Gosewinkel (2003), Gosewinkel and Rucht (2004), Gosewinkel et al. (2004) and Croissant et al. (2000, pp. 11ff.), such a relational approach assumes that in real, existing civil societies, normative characteristics, such as "civility", the generation of social capital and the performance of certain democratic functions, can exist only in degrees. Concurrently, the relational approach likewise supposes that real, existing civil societies will also always display certain dark sides, such as clientelism and organizational hierarchies, and that the relationship between the democratic features and dark sides within such real, existing civil societies depends on the scope of action available to civil society actors.

Investigates ways in which the new information society might contribute to economic development at the regional level & help to lessen the gap between central & peripheral regions. Reports & policy statements by the Commission of the European Communities are optimistic that combining information-based goods & services with diffuse electronic networks can help offset the "tyranny of geography" that has relegated certain areas to the nether regions of social & economic participation. Here, the development of a telecommunications infrastructure in various European regions is outlined, exploring how the adoption of new information & communications technologies gives peripheral regions enhanced work mobility by (1) industrializing the service sector, (2) creating a spatial separation of production & consumption, & (3) allowing firms to manage at a distance. Barriers to such development are identified, & the concept of "learning region" is introduced to describe the prerequisites necessary to successful adoption of information & communication technologies at both the individual & organizational levels. 2 Tables, 1 Figure. K. Hyatt Stewart