Suchergebnisse

Seit Jahrzehnten führen afrikanische Staaten die einschlägigen Armutsstatistiken an. Dabei fallen viele Regierungen als echte Partner für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit aus. Wie also lassen sich wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und Armutsbekämpfung "von unten" fördern? (APuZ)

Das gut Abschneiden der FJP, des politischen Arms der Muslimbruderschaft, in den ersten freien Parlamentswahlen in Ägypten kam nicht unerwartet. Trotzdem ist in der ägyptischen Öffentlichkeit die Frage umstritten, inwieweit ein von der Muslimbruderschaft dominiertes Parlament Garant für die Fortsetzung der Revolution ist, zumal die Einsetzung einer Verfassungsgebenden Versammlung in den Verantwortungsbereich dieses Parlaments fällt, das damit das Fundament des postrevolutionären Systems legt. Wenn auch die demokratische Legitimierung der Muslimbrüder als stärkste parlamentarische Kraft nicht bestritten werden kann, werfen ihr Stimmen aus dem links-säkularen revolutionären Lager vor, die Revolution nur ungenügend unterstützt zu haben und gleichzeitig der Hauptprofiteur zu sein. In dem Beitrag wird zunächst die Rolle der Muslimbrüder während der Tage auf dem Tahrir-Platz nachgezeichnet und ihre Handlungslogik herausgearbeitet. Im anschließenden Kapitel geht es um die Frage, welchen Beitrag die Muslimbrüderschaft zur Herausbildung einer revolutionären Konstellation gespielt hat. Abschließend werden dann die wichtigsten Handlungsstränge in der Übergangszeit zwischen dem Rücktritt Mubaraks und den Parlamentswahlen, in denen sich die Grundzüge der post-revolutionären Strategie der Muslimbrüder herauskristallisierten, skizziert. (ICA2)

Since the new government took power in 2011, the citizens of Myanmar have enjoyed a greater degree of freedom than at any time since the military seized power in 1962. This article explains how the recent political changes in Myanmar have come about. In so doing, it argues that the absence of a rigid paramount leader who opposes reconciliation with the opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, the challenges posed by serious economic problems and positive responses from Western countries and pro-democracy leaders in Myanmar have allowed liberals in the government to work together for the further liberalization of the country's political system. However, Myanmar still has a long way to go before it can become a full-fledged democracy. There still are hardliners in both camps who are unsatisfied with the pace of reforms: hardliners in the government think that the pace of reform is too fast while hardliners in the pro-democracy movement feel that they are too slow. Both groups could still generate instability in the country, prompting a military coup. Myanmar is at the crossroads and the cooperation between all sections of society will allow the country to become a full-fledged democracy. (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

"The question of declining numbers has been central in discussions about contemporary change in political parties, civil society and social movements. The usual interpretation of this phenomenon is that it occurs because of individualization. Another interpretation is that the collective action as such has changed and resembles action in primary groups rather than in organizations and it is, in some way a victory over the iron law of oligarchy. In this article the author argues that it is instead the institution of membership that is disappearing, not just members. The author argues that, due to changes in the patterns of resource mobilization, from members to other organizations, the institution of membership as a form of affiliation is on the decline. The result of this change can be summed up as 'more organization with fewer people', in other words, the transformation to - and the creation of - a new type of organization that can be described as an intertwining of foundation and profession instead of as an intertwining of association and broad segments of the population that characterized old social movement organizations and mass political parties. The author discusses some social and political consequences of this Janus-faced change, especially the creation of new boundaries of exclusion and the new unstructured power fields (or open spaces) that open up and where new social innovations can find rich soil and new organizations can emerge." (author's abstract)

En la Honduras de hoy, el llamado a una huelga general y la propuesta de una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente cuentan a su favor con las condiciones objetivas del descalabro nacional. Pero no existen aún las condiciones subjetivas ni el sujeto político y social que conduzca la indignación de la gente, acelerada e incrementada por el golpe de Estado, y que lidere el proceso de reformar a fondo la Constitución. El Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular está llamado a ser ese sujeto, pero antes tiene que clarificar su identidad y también desembarazarse del factor Zelaya. (Envío/GIGA)

Known as "Mr. Money" and "Superman" in Hong Kong and Asia, Li Ka-shing epitomizes China's spectacular rise from a moribund communist state to a free market colossus. One year after Deng Xiaoping launched his modernization process in 1978, Li purchased a British firm in Hong Kong called Hutchison Whampoa. From then on, his ability to create wealth globally exploded exponentially. Using a case study approach, the author analyzes Li's systematic rise from poverty and life as a plastic flower salesman to one of the world's richest individuals with investments in banks, container ports, digital and traditional media, energy, property, and retail. What emerges from this article is an entrepreneur so skilled in reading the market, so astute in hiring talent, so bold in creating and divesting investments, so Chinese in his business values, and so loyal in bringing friends into his financial arena that creating wealth seemed almost like an after-thought. Yet for his sons, Victor and Richard, the challenge is to equal or surpass their father. To know why and how Li Ka-shing became wealthy is to know why China is such a commercial success today. (Asian Aff/GIGA)