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The author studies a group of some one hundred Croatian students who studied in Prague in the period 1882-1918. Special attention is given to the group that came to Prague after 1895 when they were expelled from the Zagreb University because of burning Magyar flag. He analyses two journals, Hrvatska misao and Novo doba in which students expressed their ideas regarding a variety of issues relative to their homeland. He also examines reactions of leading journals in Croatia, which exhibited a variety of degrees of acceptance of new student ideas. The author notices a great influence of the Czech professor G. Masaryk on Croatian students. Among those students there were future politicians, such as S. Radic, M. Heimerl, I. Lorkovic, and S. Pribicevic. The author also supplies statisticaI tables, which show that there were 290 students of law, 91 of philosophy, and 63 of medicine. (SOI : CSP: S. 314f.)

This work analyses the relation between democracy and political participation, the typology and model of political participation, the findings of the research of political participation in the world (S. Verba, N. H. Nie, 1972; S. H. Barnes, M. Kaase, 1 979; and others), and the research of the same phenomenon on a sample of Croatian students. This analysis has shown that today all the elements necessary for a more comprehensive theory of political participation are in place. This theory would enable a more systematic and standardized investigation of this phenomenon in the national and the international context. The article also shows how the non- conventional participation is gaining ground while the conventional is gradually levelling out. Significant are the results of the analysis of the etiology of political participation, particularly the relation between the standard SES model and the model of value orientations (left-right materialism, materialism-postrnaterialism, etc.). The analysis of the model of participation of Croatian students has shown that the model of protest behaviour/potential' has a more complex etiology than other models, such as conventional participation and voting in parliamentary elections. Thus, for the "protest potential" it is necessary to possess a developed civic competence, a critical attitude towards the government's performance, a liberal arts education, etc., while for the conventional participation it is central to have a higher level of political interest. Significant differences between the Croatian students and those from other European countries can be observed regarding the role of value orientations in explaining political participation. (SOI : PM: S. 140)

This essay is an attempt to explore structural, value, ideological, and performance premises of partyism. It has been modelled after the methods and findings of eminent researchers (e.g. Inglehari, Klingemann, Knutesen, and others), who have devoted a major portion of their research to the relations among the mentioned concepts. The empirical research was conducted on a sample of Croatian students in 1998/99. By using complex analysis models of the mentioned variables we have showed that the ideological (left-right) orientation is more important for the electoral choice of Croatian students than the value orientations (religious/secular, left/righ materialism and materialism/postmaterialism). The author then shows why (in line with the results of European studies) the party orientation is more important than the values. What is most important here, however, is the finding that the two variables (the assessment of the democratic performance of the system and the ideological left/right orientation) are relatively the most significant variables for explaining the party identity and electoral choice of Croatian students. It has been shown that the leftist and the opposition parties in Croatia can count on the more left-oriented students and those who are dissatisfied with the functioning of democracy in Croatia, plus those more secularly and post-materialistically oriented. The used analytical methods can contribute to a more detailed elaboration of the theory of partyism (party identities and electoral choices) and to the model of political polarization in the society. And this is surely one of the central tasks of modern political science. (SOI : SOEU: S. 178)

radu se analiziraju vrednosne orijentacije studenata. U istraživanju u kome su učestvovali studenti (N=635) Univerziteta u Rijeci primenjena je anketa. Glavna teza teorije modernizacije jeste da se promene u socioekonomskoj sferi društva reflektiraju na njegov sistem vrednosti. Zato u savremenim društvima slabe tradicionalne a jačaju moderne i postmoderne vrednosti. Specifičnost bivših socijalističkih društava odnosi se na to da je u njima, nakon protivrečnog procesa polumodernizacije, došlo do intenzivnog procesa retradicionalizacije. Tranzicija mlade generacije u odraslo doba događa se u konkretnom društvenom kontekstu za koji je karakterističan "sukob" suprotstavljenih vrednosti. Stoga je važno ispitati koje društvene vrednosti mladi prihvataju. Najpre se to odnosi na studentsku populaciju, s obzirom na to da je to resurs iz kog će se u budućnosti regrutovati društvena elita. U radu se problematizuju sledeća pitanja: U kojoj meri suprotstavljeni procesi modernizacije i retradicionalizacije društva ostavljaju traga na vrednosne orijentacije studenata? U kojoj meri se stavovi studenata razlikuju s obzirom na socijalne karakteristike njihovih porodica? Statistička obrada je obuhvatila univarijatnu, bivarijatnu i multivarijatnu analizu. Rezultati pokazuju da većina studenata prihvata postmoderne vrednosti (multikulturnost), a vrlo malo njih prihvata tradicionalne vrednosti (klerikalizam i etnocentrizam). Utvrđena je veza između tradicionalnih vrednosnih orijentacija i konzervativnih porodičnih obrazaca. S tim u vezi je zaključak da su rezultati u saglasnosti sa hipotezom o liberalizujućem efektu obrazovanja. ; This paper analyses the students' value orientations based on the survey conducted at the University of Rijeka (N=635). The main thesis of the theory of modernization is that changes in the socioeconomic sphere of society generate changes in its predominant value system. Therefore, in the modern societies, the weakening of the traditional and the strengthening of modern and postmodern values can be observed. This was particularly noticeable in the ex-socialist societies whose social and political transitions were generally followed by the process of intensive retraditionalization. The transition of younger generation to adulthood is taking place in the specific context of the postsocialist and post-war transformation of a society, which is characterized by the "clash" of opposing social values. Therefore, it is important to explore which social values are embraced by the young people. This is particularly important in the context of student population, because many of them will become representatives of the future social elites. The paper seeks to address the following questions: To what extent the opposing processes of modernization and re-radicalization of post-socialist societies effects students' expectance of different value orientations? To what extent different family backgrounds effect students' adoption of traditional, modern or postmodern values? Data analysis was carried out through univariate, bivariate and multivariate statistical procedures. The results of our research show that students chiefly support the postmodern values (multiculturalism) and chiefly do not support the traditional values (clericalism and ethnocentrism). Furthermore, the analysis has established a link between students' orientation to traditional values and existence of conservative patterns in their family background. The findings of our research support the main hypothesis of the theory of liberalizing effect of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa

Škole se širom sveta nalaze pred novim zahtevima, a jedan od njih, posebno izražen u neoliberalnoj eri i kulturi revizije, jeste standardizacija uspeha učenika preuzeta iz sveta ekonomije. Mišljenja o standardizaciji uspeha učenika ili škola su podeljena. Sistematski smo analizirali relevantnu literaturu kako bismo istražili različita viđenja standarda. Standardi se smatraju dobrim pokazateljima koji omogućavaju poređnje među državama i pružaju smernice za inovacije i/ili reforme, pošto su obrazovni sistemi tradicionalno zasnovani na implicitnim standardima. Postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda olakšava posao nastavnicima i učenicima jer znaju šta se od njih očekuje. Osnovu ovakvog pristupa čini verovanje političara da mogu jasno prepoznati šta bi studenti trebalo da znaju i za šta bi trebalo da budu osposobljeni. Protivnici ovakvom mišljenju smatraju da je postavljanje eksplicitnih standarda inherentno štetno jer može umanjiti kvalitet onoga što se meri. Standardi se ne odnose na potpunu valorizaciju studenata, niti na kompetencije važne za uključivanje u svet rada. Uspeh učenika ima višestruke ciljeve koji se ne odražavaju u standardizovanim testovima, a moguće je i preusmeravanje resursa s jedne grupe učenika na druge, što često nije opravdano ili transparentno. Standardizacija uspeha učenika stvorena je analogijom sa privredom po kojoj studenti postaju ,,proizvodi", a njihovo ponašanje se definiše kao ,,izlazne veštine", ,,kompetencije" i ,,ishodi". Postavljanje standarda počiva na implicitnoj pretpostavci da je obrazovni proces kulturološki neutralan i da ne uzima u obzir etničku pripadnost i društvenu klasu, ali pokušava da homogenizuje učenike stavljajući ih u kvantifikovane kategorije. Sam koncept standarda je nejasan. Stoga, standardizacija baca senku na romantičnu predstavu o poslovnom sektoru kao primeru dobre prakse i iziskuje redefinisanje cilja i svrhe obrazovanja. ; There are new demands for schools around the world, and one of them, particularly expressed in the neoliberal era and audit culture, is standardization of student achievements that has been transferred from the world of economics. The opinions about standardization of student or academic achievements are not united. We used systematic analysis of relevant literature to explore different perspectives on standards. Standards are considered to be a good indicator that allows cross-national comparisons and provides guidance for innovation and/or reform, since education systems are traditionally based on implicit standards. Setting explicit standards makes work easier for teachers and students because they know what is expected from them. The basic foundation of this approach is the politicians' conviction that they can clearly identify what students need to know and what they need to be capable of. The opponents believe that setting explicit standards is inherently damaging because it can reduce the quality of what is measured. Standards do not allow for full valorisation of students or competences that are important for inclusion in the world of work. Student achievement has multiple goals that are not reflected in standardized tests, and it is also possible to redirect resources from one group of students to others, which is often not justified or transparent. Standardization of student achievement was created by analogy to industry, whereby students become "products", and their behaviour is defined as "exit skills", "competences" and "outcomes". Setting standards rests on the implicit assumption that educational process is culturally neutral and does not take into account ethnicity and social class, but tries to homogenize students by placing them in quantified categories. The mere construct standard, is not clear. For this reason, standardization casts a shadow on romantic presentation of the business sector as the example of good practice, and requires redefining the goal and purpose of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Diskriminacija kao česta pojava na ovim prostorima jedan je od najozbiljnijih problema sa kojima se susreću pripadnici i pripadnice marginalizovanih grupa. Netolerantnost društva u kome živimo dodatno otežava proces borbe protiv nje. Sistemska rešenja državnih institucija po pitanju koncepta antidiskriminacije, godinama nisu postojala. Veliko zalaganje pojedinih nevladinih organizacija kao i usmerenost ka evropskim integracijama, doprineli su da tokom nekoliko poslednjih godina, pomalo stidljivo i diskretno koncept antidiskriminacije počne da se ugrađuje i u ciljeve i strategiju naše države. Inkluzivni pokret u svetu nastaje sredinom prošlog veka ključna ideja formulisana je još 1948. godine u Univerzalnoj dekleraciji o ljudskim pravima a zatim 1989 u Konvenciji o pravima deteta. Kasnije se ovaj okvir razrađuje u drugim dokumentima Ujedinjenih nacija i nizu drugih međunarodnih dokumenata, u kojima su formulisane strateske smernice i standardna pravila izjednačavanja položaja marginalizovanih i isključenih grupa, posebno u pogledu ostvarivanja prava na obrazovanje. ; Discrimination, which can frequently be seen in this region, is one of the most austere problems being faced by the members of both genders of marginalized groups. The intolerance of the society we live in additionally procrats the process of fighting against it. Systematic solutions from state institutions related to the concept of anti-discrimination have not existed for years. Great efforts from certain nongovernmental organizations as well as their focus on European integrations have contributed in the last couple of years to shy and discreet embedding of antidiscrimination concept into the goals and strategies of our country. The inclusive movement in the world originated in 1950s while the key idea was formulated as early as 1948 in the Universal Human Rights Declaration and then in 1989 in the Convention on Children's Rights. Later, this frame has been elaborated in other United Nations documents and in numerous other international documents ...

Polazeći od uverenja da u savremenom svetu postoji izuzetno visok nivo uzajamnezavisnosti država i regiona, odnosno nedeljivost bezbednosti na globalnom nivou,Republika Srbija se u svom delovanju na spoljnopolitičkom planu zalaže za afirmacijukoncepta kooperativne bezbednosti. Smatrajući da se razvijanjem procesa saradnje nabilateralnom i multilateralnom planu može znatno doprineti nacionalnojbezbednosti, zalaže se za jačanje uloge Ujedinjenih nacija kao svetske organizacije,dobijanje statusa članice Evropske unije i aktivno učešće u programu NATO"Partnerstvo za mir", uz stav o neutralnosti zemlje u odnosu na postojeće vojne saveze.Tokom prethodne decenije (naročito poslednjih nekoliko godina) evidentna jeekspanzija u pogledu upotrebe Vojske Srbije u multinacionalnim operacijama. Uzizuzetno povećanje broja angažovanih pripadnika Ministarstva odbrane i Vojske Srbije,proširen je i okvir delovanja – pored misija Ujedinjenih nacija naša zemlja učestvuje iu multinacionalnim operacijama Evropske unije.Kao jedan od osnivača Pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja, u uslovima blokovske podelesveta, Jugoslavija je među članicama Ujedinjenih nacija bila veoma zapažena zbog svogučešća u mirovnim misijama, čime je davala konkretan doprinos očuvanju mira u svetu.U izmenjenim međunarodnim okolnostima nakon "hladnog rata", priroda sukoba u svetuse bitno promenila (sa međudržavnog, težište sukoba je pomereno na nivo unutardržava), a samim tim i način njihovog rešavanja. Nastavljajući tradiciju učešća umirovnim operacijama Ujedinjenih nacija, naša zemlja daje znatan doprinos savremenimmultidimenzionalnim operacijama. ; Starting from the belief that there is a very high level of interdependence betweencountries and regions in the modern world, that is indivisibility of security at a global level, theRepublic of Serbia, acting on its foreign policy plan, advocates affirmation of cooperativesecurity concept. Considering the fact that development of cooperation at a bilateral andmultilateral level can significantly contribute to national security, it advocates strengthening ofthe role of the UN as the world organization, getting the status of the EU member and activeparticipation in the NATO programme "Partnership for Peace", taking into account the opinionon neutrality of the country in relation to the existing military alliances.During the previous decade (particularly the last couple of years) the expansion in termsof the Serbian Armed Forces engagement in multinational operations has been obvious. Inaddition to a significant increase in the number of the engaged Ministry of Defence and SerbianArmed Forces personnel, the engagement framework has been expanded – besides the UNmissions our country participates in the EU multinational operations, as well.As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, in the condition of the worlddivision into blocs, Yugoslavia was rather noticeable among the UN members due to itsparticipation in peacekeeping missions, thus giving a concrete contribution to peacekeeping inthe world. In the changed international circumstances after the Cold War, the nature of conflictsin the world has largely changed (the focus of conflicts has been transferred from intercountry toa level of intracountry conflicts), and the way of their resolution, as well. Following the traditionof participation in the UN peacekeeping operations, our country gives a significant contributionto contemporary multidimensional operations.

Starting from the belief that there is a very high level of interdependence between countries and regions in the modern world, that is indivisibility of security at a global level, the Republic of Serbia, acting on its foreign policy plan, advocates affirmation of cooperative security concept. Considering the fact that development of cooperation at a bilateral and multilateral level can significantly contribute to national security, it advocates strengthening of the role of the UN as the world organization, getting the status of the EU member and active participation in the NATO programme "Partnership for Peace", taking into account the opinion on neutrality of the country in relation to the existing military alliances. During the previous decade (particularly the last couple of years) the expansion in terms of the Serbian Armed Forces engagement in multinational operations has been obvious. In addition to a significant increase in the number of the engaged Ministry of Defence and Serbian Armed Forces personnel, the engagement framework has been expanded – besides the UN missions our country participates in the EU multinational operations, as well. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, in the condition of the world division into blocs, Yugoslavia was rather noticeable among the UN members due to its participation in peacekeeping missions, thus giving a concrete contribution to peacekeeping in the world. In the changed international circumstances after the Cold War, the nature of conflicts in the world has largely changed (the focus of conflicts has been transferred from intercountry to a level of intracountry conflicts), and the way of their resolution, as well. Following the tradition of participation in the UN peacekeeping operations, our country gives a significant contribution to contemporary multidimensional operations. ; Полазећи од уверења да у савременом свету постоји изузетно висок ниво узајамне зависности држава и региона, односно недељивост безбедности на глобалном нивоу, Република Србија се у свом деловању на спољнополитичком плану залаже за афирмацију концепта кооперативне безбедности. Сматрајући да се развијањем процеса сарадње на билатералном и мултилатералном плану може знатно допринети националној безбедности, залаже се за јачање улоге Уједињених нација као светске организације, добијање статуса чланице Европске уније и активно учешће у програму НАТО "Партнерство за мир", уз став о неутралности земље у односу на постојеће војне савезе. Током претходне деценије (нарочито последњих неколико година) евидентна је експанзија у погледу употребе Војске Србије у мултинационалним операцијама. Уз изузетно повећање броја ангажованих припадника Министарства одбране и Војске Србије, проширен је и оквир деловања – поред мисија Уједињених нација наша земља учествује и у мултинационалним операцијама Европске уније. Као један од оснивача Покрета несврстаних земаља, у условима блоковске поделе света, Југославија је међу чланицама Уједињених нација била веома запажена због свог учешћа у мировним мисијама, чиме је давала конкретан допринос очувању мира у свету. У измењеним међународним околностима након "хладног рата", природа сукоба у свету се битно променила (са међудржавног, тежиште сукоба је померено на ниво унутар држава), а самим тим и начин њиховог решавања. Настављајући традицију учешћа у мировним операцијама Уједињених нација, наша земља даје знатан допринос савременим мултидимензионалним операцијама.