Search results
Filter
158 results
Sort by:
Bošnjaci i Bosna: Studija iz filozofije politike ; Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in Philosophy of Politics
U prvom dijelu ove studije, objavljenom u prvom broju časopisa "Svjetionik", autor je ukratko izložio osnovne elemente filozofije politike karakteristične za historiju savremenih nacija u kojem je analizirao odnose pojedinca, naroda, nacije i države. Drugi dio ove studije fokusira se na odnos Bošnjaka prema kolektivnom sjećanju koje je, kako autor smatra, pod utjecajem dugoročne političke strategije susjeda, dovedeno na prag amnezije. Autor smatra da poljuljana kolektivna memorija predstavlja najneuralgičniji problem i najveću opasnost za historijsku reintegraciju i homogenizaciju Bošnjaka kao naroda i nacije. Autor naglašava da je "Bosanac" teritorijalna odrednica i potpuno isključuje nacionalnu odrednicu "Bošnjak". Koketiranje s formulacijom "Bošnjaci/Bosanci", koja se često koristi, ne samo što ne afirmira etničku i nacionalnu pripadnost Bošnjaka nego još dodatno negira njihovu posebnost – a time dovodi u pitanje i samo postojanje Bošnjaka. Bošnjak se rađa, Bošnjak se ostaje. "Bosanac" se postaje, "Bosanac" se prestaje biti. Bošnjak koji živi u Bosni ujedno je i "Bosanac". "Bosanac" koji nije Bošnjak, nigdje, pa ni u Bosni, ne postaje Bošnjak. Bošnjak koji ne živi u Bosni ostaje Bošnjak, ali prestaje biti "Bosanac". Cilj supstituiranja historijskog imena Bošnjaci teritorijalnom odrednicom "Bosanci", očigledan je: Razbiti homogeno jezgro Bošnjaka brisanjem svijesti o njihovoj etničkoj posebnosti, imenu, nacionalnom jedinstvu, zajedničkoj historiji, kulturi, jeziku, ukratko – zajedničkoj prošlosti, sadašnjosti i budućnosti. Također u studiji se podsjeća na razliku savremenog shvatanja nacije od načina na koji je ovaj društveni fenomen bio tumačen sve do sredine 20. stoljeća. Iza razgraničenja nacije od naroda, kao njegove navodno superiorne forme, u pozadini se krije nastojanje da se narod, kao objektivna činjenica, relativizira, uzajamne veze njegovih pripadnika oslabe i da se cijelo stanovništvo podvede pod kontrolu centralne političke moći – kao prividno integrirana i homogena cjelina. ; In the first part of this study, published in the first issue of the magazine Illuminatio/Svjetionik/Almanar, the author briefly outlined the basic elements of the philosophy of politics characteristic of the history of modern nations in which he analysed the relations of the individual, the people, the nation and the state. The second part of this study focuses on the attitude of Bosniaks towards collective memory, which, according to the author, was brought to the threshold of amnesia under the influence of the long-term political strategy of their neighbours. The author believes that the shaken collective memory represents the most neuralgic problem and the greatest danger for the historical reintegration and homogenization of Bosniaks as an ethnicity and a nation. The author emphasizes that "Bosnian" is a territorial determinant and completely excludes the national determinant "Bosniak". Flirting with the phrase "Bosniaks/Bosnians", which is often used, is not only a denouncement of the ethnic and national affiliation of Bosniaks, but further denies their uniqueness – and thus calls into question the very existence of Bosniaks. A Bosniak is born, a Bosniak remains. A "Bosnian" becomes, a "Bosnian" cease to be. A Bosniak living in Bosnia is also a "Bosnian". A "Bosnian" who is not a Bosniak does not become a Bosniak anywhere, not even in Bosnia. A Bosniak who does not live in Bosnia remains a Bosniak, but ceases to be a "Bosnian". The goal of substituting the historical name Bosniaks with the territorial designation "Bosnians" is obvious: Break the homogeneous core of Bosniaks by erasing awareness of their ethnic identity, name, national unity, common history, culture, language, in short – a common past, present and future. The study also recalls the difference between the modern understanding of the nation and the way in which this social phenomenon was interpreted until the middle of the 20th century. Behind the separation of the nation from the ethnicity/people, as the supposedly superior form, lies the effort to relativize the ethnicity/people, as an objective fact, to weaken the mutual ties of its members and to bring the entire population under the control of central political power – as a seemingly integrated and homogeneous whole.
BASE
Bošnjaci i Bosna: Studija iz filozofije politike (3) ; Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in the Philosophy of Politics (3)
Treći, završni dio ove studije, analizira odnos Bošnjaka i Bosne kroz interakciju tri hronološki i problemski povezana procesa. Prvim postupkom, definiranim kao 'arheologija politike zaborava', rekonstruiraju se, u svim dosadašnjim istraživanjima potpuno zapostavljeni, aspekti geneze historijskih i političkih faktora projekta negiranja Bošnjaka kao posebnog naroda/nacije, brisanja njihovog historijskog imena, naziva jezika te etničkog, duhovnog, kulturnog i državotvornog identiteta. Drugo, razmatra se pitanje odnosa Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije i Bosne kao njihove matične države, koju su oni stvorili i odbranili, iz generalne problemsko-teorijske perspektive kao i iz novijih zbivanja i aktuelne situacije. Treće, argumentira se teza da je očuvanje historijskog imena "Bošnjaci", vraćenog 28. septembra 1993. godine, trajni strateški imperativ svih Bošnjaka svijeta i conditio sine qua non opstanka Bosne kao države i kao koncepta. Kritički se analizira inicijativa da se umjesto historijskog imena upotrebljavaju teritorijalne odrednice "Bosanci", odnosno "Bosanci i Hercegovci" što ima za cilj definitivno ukloniti s historijske scene Bošnjake kao narod/naciju. Budući da je opstanak Bošnjaka nužni uvjet opstanka i postojanja Bosne, imperativ historijskog trenutka nalaže bezrezervno prihvatanje historijskog imena "Bošnjaci", obnovu osjećanja zajedničke pripadnosti i uzajamne povezanosti Bošnjaka kao naroda/nacije, jačanje emotivne veze sa sopstvenim nacionalnim bićem te uspostavljanje svijesti o moralnoj obavezi svakog pojedinca Bošnjaka prema svom narodu, Bošnjacima, i njihovoj matičnoj državi Bosni. ; The third, final part of this study, analyses the relationship between Bosniaks and Bosnia through the interaction of three chronologically problem-related processes: 1. The procedure defined as 'The Archeology of the Politics of Oblivion' reconstructs in all previous research completely neglected aspects of the genesis of historical and political factors of the project of denial of Bosniaks as a separate people / nation, erasing their historical name, language name and ethnic, spiritual, cultural and state identity; 2. The issue of the relationship between Bosniaks as a people / nation and Bosnia, as their home state, which they created and defended, from the general problem-theory perspective as well as from recent events and with the current situation being considered; 3. The thesis is argued that the preservation of the historical name "Bosniaks", returned on September 28, 1993, is a permanent strategic imperative of all Bosniaks in the world and a conditio sine qua non of the survival of Bosnia as a state and as a concept. The initiative to use the territorial determinants "Bosnians" or "Bosnians and Herzegovinians" instead of the historical name, which aims to definitively remove Bosniaks from the historical scene as a people / nation, is critically analysed. Since the survival of Bosniaks is a necessary condition for the survival and existence of Bosnia, the imperatives of the historical moment require the unconditional acceptance of the historical name "Bosniaks", the renewal of the sense of common belonging and mutual connection of Bosniaks as a people / nation, strengthening the emotional connection with one's own national being and establishing the awareness of the moral obligation of every individual Bosniak towards his/her Bosniak people and their home state of Bosnia.
BASE
Bošnjaci i Bosna: studija iz filozofije politike (1) ; Bosniaks and Bosnia: A Study in the Philosophy of Politics (1)
U ovom članku autor na sugestivan način ukazuje na važnost razumijevanja nacije i države u kontekstu evropske filozofske misli i prakse o naciji i državi. Iako su mu povod nacija Bošnjaka i bosanska država, autorova razmišljanja su aplikativna za sve skupine slične naciji Bošnjaka, kao i za države slične bosanskoj državi. Osnovna misao u ovom članku je da ideja univerzalne nacije, kulture i civilizacije niti osporava niti negira partikularni osjećaj i subjektivni doživljaj nacije i države. Članstvo u Evropskoj uniji ne oduzima pravo nijednoj naciji u Evropi da gaji i razvija svoju nacionalno-kulturnu i nacionalno-državnu svijest. Zapravo, u mjeri u kojoj je svaka nacija i svaka država u Evropi aktivno svjesna svoje nacionalne i kulturne specifične vrijednosti, čini Evropu, odnosno Evropsku uniju, snažnom i važnom u globalnom svijetu. Otuda i Bošnjaci, odnosno Bosanci, kao nacija i kao država (nacija) nemaju potrebe da se povlače, već imaju historijsku obavezu da istaknu svoju specifičnu bosansku kulturu i bosansku državu kao bogatstvo vrijedno pažnje ne samo u Evropi već i u svijetu. ; In this article, the author suggestively points to the importance of understanding the concept of nation and the state in the context of the European philosophical thought and practice regarding the nation and the state. Although the occasion is about the Bosniak/Bosnian nation and the Bosnian state, the author's reflections are applicable to all groups similar to the Bosniak/Bosnain nation, as well as to all the states similar to the Bosnian state. The basic premise of this article is that the idea of a universal nationality, culture and civilisation does not oppose or negate the particular feeling or the subjective experience of either the nationality or the state. The membership of European Union does not detract the right for any nation in Europe of the right to cultivate and develop its national culture as well as its particular state consciousness. In fact, in the extent of which every nation and every state in Europe has an active awareness of its national and cultural specific value, gives Europe, indeed – the European Union strong and important role in the global community. Hence, the Bosniaks/Bosnians, both as a nation and a state (nation) have no need to withdraw, but rather have the historical opportunity to feature their specific Bosnian culture and Bosnian state as a richness worthy of appreciation, not only in Europe, but also in the world.
BASE
Relativization od european national minority politics – Case study Bosnia and Herzegovina ; Relativizacija evropskih manjinskih politika – studija slučaja Bosna i Hercegovina
The author discusses the reasons for relativization of the national minorities protection policy of the Council of Europe and the European Union in light of the problems with national minorities protection in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The minorities protection policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina had implications for minority rights protection in Hungary and Croatia after Croatia's accession to the EU . The European Union, the Council of Europe and other European institutions defined their position towards minority rights in light of the European Court for Human Rights decision in the Sejdić and Finci case. The decision specified mandatory constitutional changes in terms of equal protection of national minority rights. According to the demanded constitutional revisions, the representatives of national minorities would have a right to compete for legal and executive positions in the entire Bosnia and Herzegovina. Before the ECHR decision, only representatives of the three constituent peoples – Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats could be nominated for positions in the legislature and in the executive institutions. The Council of Europe mediated by CoE Parliamentarian Assembly and Committee of Ministers threatened to suspend BiH membership to the CoE until the decision was implemented. At the same time, coordinated European Union institutions made the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) negotiated with Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2008 conditional upon the implementation of the Sejdić and Finci decision. The threat wasn't carried through and BiH became presiding country of the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe in 2014. In the meantime, the newly elected European Parliament as well as recently appointed European Commission accepted the SAA although the Sejdić-Finci decision was not incorporated in the constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina. ; Evropska unija, Savjet Evrope i druge evropske institucije bitno su odredile svoj odnos prema Bosni i Hercegovini u odnosu na primjenu Odluke Evropskog suda za ljudska prava "u slučaju Sejdić i Finci", koji nalaže obavezu ustavnih promjena u pravcu zaštite jednakosti prava pripadnika nacionalnih manjina. Tim promjenama i predstavnici nacionlanih manjina imali bi pravo da budu kandidovani na sve pozicije zakonodavne i izvršne vlasti u Bosni i Hercegovini. Do odluke u spomenutom slučaju, poznatom kao "Sejdić – Finci", samo su pripadnici tri konstitutivna naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini – Srba, Bošnjaka i Hrvata, mogli da budu kandidovani za te funkcije. U više navrata Savjet Evrope je posredstvom Parlamentarne skupštine ili Komiteta ministara prijetio suspenzijom, čak i izbacivanjem Bosne i Hercegovine iz ove međunarodne organizacije. Istovremeno, čak i koordinisano, institucije Evropske unije raznih nivoa uslovljavale su ratifikaciju Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju (SAA ), postignutog još 2008. godine, isto primjenom navedene odluke. Prijetnja se odnosila na nepriznavanja izbornih rezultata na lokalnim izborima 2012. i opštim izborima 2014. godine. To se nije desilo, a u međuvremenu BiH je bila zemlja – predsjedavajuća Komiteta ministara Savjeta Evrope. Novoizabrani saziv Evropskog parlamenta i nova Evropska komisija prihvatili su Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju nakon opštih izbora u BiH 2014, iako odluka Evropskog suda za ljudska prava nije primijenjena. Predmet rada biće razlozi relativizacije manjinskih politika Savjeta Evrope i Evropske unije u politikama zaštite prava nacionalnih manjina u BiH. Time su postale vidljive i upozoravajuće i druge politike relativizacije položaja i prava nacionalnih manjina, poput Mađarske i Hrvatske, do čega je došlo nakon prijema ove dvije države u Evropsku uniju.
BASE
MAIN FEATURES OF LEGAL AND JUDICIAL POLITICS OF APPLICATION OF JUVENILE IMPRISONMENT IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AND COMPARATIVE CRIMINAL LAW AND JURISPRUDENCE ; OSNOVNA OBILJEŽJA ZAKONSKE I SUDSKE POLITIKE PRIMJENE KAZNE MALOLJETNIČKOG ZATVORA U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI I UPOREDNOM KRIVIČNOM PRAVU I PRAKS...
Considering that in the spectrum of juvenile criminal sanctions punishment of deprivation of liberty is the most severe criminal sanction, international documents related to juveniles in conflict with the law proclaim standards that this sanction has to be imposed only as a measure of last resort and for the shortest period. Issues like possible duration of subject sanction and scope of its imposition, represents some of the basic features of the legal and judicial policy of sanctioning of juveniles, and represent the subject of this paper. The author analyzes how these issues are regulated in Bosnia and Herzegovina"s and comparative law, and how aforementioned standards are applied in practice. Applying the comparative analysis it was determined that there are certain indicators that Bosnia and Herzegovina is one of the countries that has in its heritage "humane" sanctioning policy of juvenile offenderes, and that the aforementioned international standards are consistently accepted in domestic law as well as in the jurisprudence. ; Imajući u vidu da u spektru maloljetničkih krivičnih sankcija kazna lišenja slobode predstavlja najstrožiju krivičnu sankciju, međunarodni dokumenti iz oblasti postupanja sa maloljetnicima u sukobu sa zakonom proklamiraju standard da se ona ima izricati samo kao krajnje sredstvo (ultima ratio) i u što kraćem trajanju. Upravo pitanja mogućeg trajanja predmetne sankcije, te obima njenog izricanja predstavljaju neka od osnovnih obilježja zakonske i sudske politike sankcioniranja maloljetnika, te čine predmet istraživanja ovog rada. Autor je analizirao kako su ova pitanja uređena u bosanskohercegovačkom i uporednom pravu, te kako su spomenuti standardi oživotvoreni u praksi. Primjenom komparativnopravne analize utvrđeno je kako postoje određeni pokazatelji da Bosna i Hercegovina spada u red zemalja koje baštine "humanu" politiku sankcioniranja maloljetnih učinitelja krivičnih djela, te da su spomenuti međunarodni standardi dosljedno prihvaćeni kako u pravu, tako i u sudskoj praksi ove zemlje.
BASE
Ideologija, klasa i pitanje političke subjektivizacije u Bosni i Hercegovini ; IDEOLOGY, CLASS, AND THE QUESTION OF POLITICAL SUBJECTIVIZATION IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Autor propituje ulogu ideologije, mita i klase u razumijevanju kompleksnih procesa savremene političke subjektivizacije u BiH. Polazeći od revolucionarnog konteksta s početka devedesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća koji razumijeva kao paralelni proces nacionalne i kapitalističke reaproprijacije, autor na pitanje pod kojim uslovima, diskurzivnim i institucionalnim, određene etničke razlike postaju politički relevantnima, postaju izvorom političke moći i mobilizacije, razvija odgovor u vidu antireprezentacionalističke hipoteze po kojoj su to s jedne strane diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi "nacionalne države" shvaćene kao države homogenog etnonacionalnog domaćina i zanemarive etnonacionalne manjine, a s druge strane njima komplementarni diskurzivni i institucionalni uslovi kapitalističkog poretka iz kojega se nacionalni poredak historijski izdiže, a koji podrazumijeva klasnu strukturiranost. Subjekt proizvodnje nacionalno-kapitalističkog poretka je vladajuća klasa, u slučaju BiH klasa etnopolitičkih poduzetnika koja je u posjedu sredstava za proizvodnju društvenog života uopće: i materijalnog i onog simboličkog. ; Author investigates the role of ideology, myth and class in understanding the complex contemporary processes of political subjectivization in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Starting from the revolutionary context from the beginning of the 1990s, which the author understands as a parallel process of national and capitalist re-appropriation, the author poses the question: which are the conditions, discursive and institutional, for specific ethnic differences to become politically relevant, to become the source of political power and mobilization. The answer is explored on the basis of the anti-representationalist hypothesis according to which, on the one hand, these are the discursive and institutional conditions of "nation-state" understood as a state of homogenous ethnonational host and negligible ethnonational minority, and, on the other hand, the discursive and institutional conditions of capitalist order from which nationalist order is historically developed presupposing its class structure. The subject of the production of national-capitalist order is the ruling class; in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the class of ethnopolitical entrepreneurs which is in possession of the means of production of social life in general: both in the material and in the symbolical sense.
BASE
O Bošnjacima, islamu i socijalizmu ; About Bosniaks, Islam and Socialims
Naslijeđe jugoslavenskog socijalizma još je djelotvorno na identitarnu ravan država i naroda sljednika te bivše zajedničke države. Odnos komunističke doktrine i religije, u našem ispitivanom slučaju islama, posebno zaokuplja pažnju istraživača. Na marginama iščitavanja dvije recentne knjige o odnosu islama, Bošnjaka i socijalizma nastao je ovaj tekst. On kritički propituje mjesto i ulogu islama i institucije Islamske zajednice u savremenom i nacionalnom i političkom razvoju Bošnjaka s akcentom na recentna društvena zbivanja. ; The legacy of Yugoslav socialism is still viable in the successor states and the nations of that former common state as a form of identity. The relationship between communist doctrine and religion, specifically Islam, is of particular interest to researchers. This paper was written under the impression of two recent books recognizing the relationship between Islam, Bosniaks and socialism. The author critically questions the place and role of Islam and the institution of the Islamic Community in the contemporary national and political development of Bosniaks, with an emphasis on recent social events.
BASE
GOSPODARSKI KRIMINALITET I NJEGOV UTJECAJ NANEIZRAVNE POREZE U BOSNI I HERCEGOVINI ; ECONOMIC CRIME AND ITS IMPACT ON INDIRECT TAXESIN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA
Porezni sistem BiH predstavlja jedan od ključnih nositelja u održavanju stabilnosti i poticanju razvoja gospodarstva BiH. PDV prevare nisu ozbiljna prijetnja samo za prihode države BiH nego i za funkcioniranje cjelokupnog tržišta, pa se može reći da su to specijalni oblici kriminala, koji nanose veću materijalnu, odnosno finansijsku štetu nego klasični kriminal i predstavljaju izuzetno društveno opasno ponašanje fizičkih ili pravnih lica. Borba protiv PDV prevara i općenito prevara po osnovu neizravnih poreza u svim porama sistema, a posebno u tužiteljstvu i policiji, neophodan je uvjet za opstanak sistema. Vršenje kaznenih djela iz oblasti neizravnih poreza može biti podstaknuto nekažnjavanjem ili nedovoljnim kažnjavanjem, što veoma brzo može dovesti do bogaćenja određenih slojeva društva koji postaju elita u ekonomskom i političkom životu. Takvi slojevi društva prvenstveno su loša slika i loši predstavnici naše države jer takvim postupanjem upućuju na ponašanja puna ličnih interesa i vode zemlju ka putu egoizma, što nikako ne bi trebalo predstavljati ideal kojem treba težiti, već upravo suprotno. Jedino odlučna borba, uz primjenu i preventivnih i represivnih metoda suzbijanja prijevara, u kojoj nema mjesta za nedodirljive, treba postati kategorički imperativ ponašanja i djelovanja. ; Tax system of Bosnia and Herzegovina /BiH/ is one of the key factors in keeping the stability and incitement of BiH economy development. VAT frauds are not serious threat just to the incomes of the BiH state but also for functioning of entire market, so we can say that those are special forms of crimes, which cause more material i.e. financial damage than classic crimes and represent extremely socially dangerous behavior of natural persons or legal entities. The fight against VAT frauds, and frauds in general, based on the indirect taxes in all aspects of the system, and especially in the prosecution and the police is necessary requirement for survival of the system. Committing indirect taxes felonies can be incited by non-punishment or insufficient punishment, which in a short time period can bring to enrichment of certain levels of society that become elite in economic and political life. Such levels of society priory give poor image and poor representatives of our state, because with such behavior the same are indicating the behaviors full of personal interests and are leading the country toward the egoism, which should not represent an ideal to reach for at all but quite the opposite. Only the strong fight, with application of preventive and repressive methods of preventing the frauds, in which there are no untouchables, should priory become a categorical imperative in behavior and action.
BASE
Irregular migration towards EU and Balkan Countries: FBA conference proceedings : Third Sarajevo International Conference, April 27-30, 2017, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
In: FBA conference proceedings
Muhammad Between East and West ; Muhammed između istoka i zapada
Most observers of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political situation have focused only on the problems that the Dayton Peace Accord created for the normal functioning of this Southeastern European state, but a workable solution is yet to be proposed. The Accord achieved peace by blocking any ability for effective governing and by diminishing the Bosnian state capacity through an excessive dispersion of power with an uncommon constitutional focus on internationalism, and an erroneous type of pluralism that undermines the normal functioning of a democracy. The solution for these problems is to be found by adjusting the procedural selection of the United Nations High Representative, who is the primary actor directly responsible for the implementation of the Accord, both in terms of the letter and intent of the document, and this paper explains how that change can be made and what problems it will resolve. ; Na bosanskom jeziku je početkom oktobra, ove godine, objavljen moj prijevod knjige Muhammed poslanik mira usred sukoba imperija, američkog historičara Juana Colea, profesora historije na Univerzitetu Michigan, urednika i pokretača portala Informed Comment, autora znatnog broja studija koje tretiraju historiju i civilizaciju Bliskog Istoka. Kako stoji u uredničkom podnaslovu izdavača, sarajevske izdavačke kuće Kupola, koja je ovu knjigu objavila u sklopu svoje edicije "Stubovi vremena", radi se o "biografiji Poslanika, a.s., kao vjesnika tolerancije i mira u jeku vizantijsko- perzijskih ratova."
BASE
Heritage of Hamdija Kapidžić in the Funds of Special Collections of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina ; Ostavština Hamdije Kapidžića u fondovima Specijalnih zbirki Nacionalne i univerzitetske biblioteke Bosne i Hercegovine
Users of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, for the purpose of various researches, often look for material that contains national, local heritage, history, material about politics and culture. In addition to the obligatory copy, NUBBIH replenishes its funds with exchanges and gifts. One such gift is the legacy of historian Prof. Dr. Hamdija Kapidžić. The Library got this gift in 2008. Part of this gift – correspondence, letters, postcards, old books, maps, etc., are located in the Department of Special Collections. The material has been undocumented for a long time and we decided to present to the public the archives of this famous Bosnian cultural and scientific worker through this brief overview and list. We hope that this brief review of the legacy of the historian Hamdija Kapidžić will bring new views on his life and scientific work and serve as a source for new research. ; Korisnici Nacionalne i univerzitetske biblioteke Bosne i Hercegovine u svrhu različitih istraživanja često traže građu koja sadrži podatke o nacionalnoj i lokalnoj historiji, politici, kulturi. Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine svoje fondove, pored obaveznog primjerka, popunjava razmjenom i poklonima. Jedan takav poklon jeste i zaostavština historičara Hamdije Kapidžića. Biblioteka je ovaj poklon zaprimila 2008. godine. Dio poklona, koji čine nekoliko predmeta, korespondencija, pisma, razglednice, stare knjige, karte, nalazi se na Odjeljenju Specijalnih zbirki. Građa već duže vrijeme stoji neobrađena pa smo odlučili kroz ovaj kratki pregled i popis javnosti predočiti arhivu ovog znamenitog bosanskohercegovačkog kulturnog i naučnog radnika. Nadamo se da će ovaj kratak osvrt na zaostavštinu historičara Hamdije Kapidžića donijeti nove poglede na njegov život i znanstveni rad i poslužiti kao izvor za nova istraživanja.
BASE