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Ovaj članak analizira razlike između konsocijacijske i centrifugalne demokracije, nudeći pojmovni pregled tih dvaju modela i uspoređujući ih na primjerima Švicarske i Bosne i Hercegovine. Po prvi se put modelu demokracije u Bosni i Hercegovini pripisuje pojam centrifugalne demokracije. Takvo određenje potvrđuje se analizom povijesnog razvoja institucija te analizom postojećih glavnih društvenih rascjepa i sukoba među političkom elitom. Razvoj konsocijacijske demokracije na primjeru Švicarske analizira se od 1848. godine, a centrifugalna demokracija u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1878. godine. U članku se također razmatraju "politički korektivi" koji stabiliziraju i aktivno usmjeravaju rad političkih elita u Švicarskoj i Bosni i Hercegovini. To su referendum i pučka inicijativa u prvom slučaju te prisutnost međunarodne zajednice u drugom slučaju. Zaključno se razmatra možebitni proces transformacije bosanskohercegovačkog poretka iz centrifugalne u konsocijacijsku demokraciju i oprimjeruje se potencijalnim inovacijama u institucionalnom dizajnu koje bi slijedile švicarski model. ; This paper analyzes differences between consociational and centrifugal democracy. It offers a conceptual framework for the two models and compares them through the Swiss and Bosnian Herzegovinian cases. For the first time, the concept of centrifugal democracy is attributed to the Bosnian-Herzegovinian model of democracy. This attribution is confirmed through an analysis of the historical institutional development, and of existing cleavages and conflicts among political elites. The development of Swiss consociational democracy is examined since 1848, while the development of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy is assessed since 1878. The paper also considers "political correctives", which stabilize and direct the work of political elites in Switzerland and Bosnia and Herzegovina. These comprise referenda and popular initiatives in the first case and international community in the second case. The paper concludes with an assessment of a possible process of transformation of Bosnian-Herzegovinian centrifugal democracy into consociational democracy, and provides examples of potential institutional innovations that would follow the Swiss model.

The main task of the Swiss security policy up to the collapse of the bipolar system was the country's military defense. The content of its defense doctrine was elaborated on & further expanded as total defense in the non-military direction. The end of the cold war marked a departure from the classical defense doctrine & also relativized the mythological character of permanent neutrality, forcing Switzerland to redefine its security policy in the altered European security setting. The expansion of the concept of security went hand in hand with an increased interest in international peace efforts & international cooperation. In the meantime, Switzerland's instruments & activities have multiplied in both fields. In certain aspects, eg, the control of the policy of disarmament & armament, Switzerland has excelled. Concerning the new forms of threats & intimidation it has shown willingness for across-the-border cooperation, while the traditional formula security through neutrality & independence increasingly gives way to the new motto: Security through cooperation -- a shift from its time-honored foreign- & security/political course of restrictive & detached attitude towards a more intensive cooperation. Although conceptually the development of Swiss security policy & consequently its shift towards some peace policy has not been even remotely supported by a satisfactory redistribution of financial & personal resources, the Swiss military reform -- introduced in early 2004 -- is de facto a conceptual accommodation of the Swiss military force to the new plan on European security. Switzerland has become a member of the PfP although, due to its policy of neutrality, it is not planning to join the NATO. Nevertheless, Switzerland is vacillating between the EU membership & a more substantial rapprochement with the NATO, at the same time putting all its hopes into the development of global management under the direction of the United Nations & the joint security system. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.

Switzerland's major contribution to the shaping of neutrality as an institution of international law lies in its centuries-old practice & its international recognition. However, Swiss neutrality still conforms to the classical military/political conflict, since in the past, it proved to be a successful security/political instrument in the protection of independence & territorial integrity. In the contemporary international/global constellation, there is almost no room for a neutral stance due to the global interdependence within the international community & the collective security, on the one hand, & the new threats & dangers lacking a classical military dimension, on the other. All this is conducive to the solidarity & cooperation whose purpose is protection, which requires international security/political efforts in securing peace. The Swiss government is of the opinion that participation in a collective security system such as the UN does not run counter to its permanent neutrality, since the UN Charter forbids war & does not recognize it as a means of the international regulation of conflicts. Also, the UN Charter does not oblige member countries to participate in any coercive military measure. Finally, by the admittance of the permanently neutral Austria into the UN, the practice has proved that neutrality & the collective security are compatible. On several occasions, the Swiss have raised the issue of UN membership; in the 1986 referendum, the Swiss citizens voted against this proposal, while on 3 Mar 2000, they voted in favor of it; the only other country besides Switzerland not in the UN is the Vatican. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the relation between politics, state and religion from the political-science perspective, as part of an analysis and evaluation of tasks, achievements and failures of polity, policy or politics from the standpoint of normative-constructive philosophy of equity. At present the central task of policy is to stimulate and strengthen the Western political culture based on the fundamental distinction between "reasonable" and "unreasonable" pluralism. "Reasonable" pluralism rests on the assumption that the state is a just power, the sovereignty of which can be recognized in distinguishing the "public" and the "private", the just and the good, and, in connection therewith, it is almost self-understandable that such a liberal guaranteed private sphere must be the primary arena of religious practice and religious freedoms. The crucial trait of the relation between state and religion is manifest in the fact that only the legal state and the liberal constitution are competent to state what the freedom of individuals consists of within the framework of norms of what is just. The author defines "religion" in the comprehensive sense as central to the processes of forming cultural identity, and he deems that cultural policy (which, in principle, has to do with relations between state and religion), as policy of equitable integration of multi-culturally shaped political unities, must be oriented toward stimulation of those attitudes and values which make possible the reasonable pluralism defined according to Rawls. Since the political encompasses also the possibility to make enemies, the author advocates the cultural policy of "weakening the feelings of enmity" (N. Elias). In this way, a systematic concept of policy would be created, one which would reflect and preserve the conditions of reasonable pluralism. On the policy level and, in particular, on the politics level, cultural policy is a very demanding project. Perhaps it is precisely Switzerland, with its special prospects of civil democracy, that offers promising cultural-policy opportunities for activity, which are as yet still insufficiently researched. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se objašnjavaju poveznice konsocijacijske demokracije i demokršćanstva koje postoje na teorijskoj i praktičnoj razini. U prvom poglavlju rada prikazana su načela i praksa konsocijacijske demokracije. Drugo poglavlje donosi pregled dosadašnjih spoznaja o poveznicama konsocijacijske demokracije i demokršćanskih stranaka s naglaskom na korporativizmu. U trećem poglavlju podrobno je objašnjena demokršćanska koncepcija demokracije i njezina povezanost s modelom konsocijacijske demokracije. U zaključnom dijelu rada utvrđene su i obrazložene teorijske i praktične spone konsocijacijske demokracije i demokršćanstva. ; Consociational democracy is an empirical and normative form of democracy within plural or deeply divided societies. The theory of consociational democracy is largely based on the analysis of the institutional framework and politics in four European classical consociational countries — the Netherlands, Switzerland, Austria and Belgium. This article explains the links between consociational democracy and Christian Democracy that exist on a theoretical and practical level. The first part of the article presents the principles and praxis of consociational democracy. The second part of the article provides an overview of current knowledge on the links between consociational democracy and Christian Democratic parties with an emphasis on corporatism. The third part of the paper explains in detail the Christian Democratic conception of democracy and its connection with the model of consociational democracy. The analysis showed that Christian Democracy is theoretically related to consociation due to a counter–majority and non–conflict understanding of democracy. On a practical level, Christian Democratic parties had a prominent political position in all four European classical consociational countries in which they acted as the voice of a Catholic pillar and played a central role in shaping the institutional framework of these countries. Due to an inherent heterogeneity, Christian Democratic parties developed ...

Ovaj rad se sastoji od pet poglavlja. U prvom poglavlju rad se bavi pregledom pojma neutralnosti, povijesnog razvoja instituta trajne neutralnosti, glavnih razlika između privremene i trajne neutralnosti te modusa osnivanja trajne neutralnosti na međunarodnom polju. U drugom poglavlju rada analiziraju se prava i dužnosti neutralnih država uz poseban naglasak na postojanje distinkcije između onih prava i dužnosti koje se odnose kako na trajno neutralne tako i na privremeno neutralne države te onih koji vrijede isključivo za trajno neutralne države. Fokus trećeg poglavlja sastoji se u obradi pitanja članstva u međunarodnim organizacijama, naročito analize problematike glede članstva trajno neutralnih država u organizacijama s ustrojenim sustavima kolektivne sigurnosti. U ovom poglavlju daje se pregled različitih reakcija i stajališta koje su pojedine trajno neutralne države zauzimale prilikom odlučivanja o pristupanju pojedinim međunarodnim organizacijama te se daje osvrt na njihov današnji položaj unutar međunarodne zajednice. Četvrto poglavlje prvenstveno se bavi Švicarskom, Austrijom i Maltom kao primjerima trajno neutralnih država. U ovom poglavlju analizira se povijesni kontekst stjecanja svojstva trajne neutralnosti, njegov razvoj, specifičnosti te prava i obveze koje vežu ove tri države. Konačno, u posljednjem petom poglavlju daje se osvrt na ulogu trajno neutralnih država u očuvanju mira i stabilnosti u međunarodnoj zajednici uslijed sve kompliciranijih odnosa između subjekata međunarodnog prava. ; This thesis consist of of five chapters. In the first chapter the thesis examines the concept of neutrality, the historical development of the institute of permanent neutrality, the main differences between temporary and permanent neutrality, and the mode of establishment of permanent neutrality in the international field. In the second chapter of the paper the rights and duties of neutral states are analyzed with special emphasis on the existence of a distinction between those rights and duties that apply to ...

Cilj ovoga rada je prikazati rezultate inovacijske izvedbe zemalja članica Europske unije. Najsveobuhvatniji uvid u inovacijsku izvedbu zemalja daju Globalni indeks inovacija, Bloombergov indeks inovacija i Europska ljestvica uspjeha u inovacijama. Navedeni indeksi imaju različite metodologije izračuna inovacijske izvedbe zemalja, a ovisno o vrsti indeksa i metodologiji zemlje ostvaruju različite rezultate. Komparativna analiza indeksa inovacija pokazala je da su, ovisno o vrsti indeksa i metodologiji izračuna, vodeće zemlje svijeta Švicarska i Južna Koreja, a najinovativnije zemlje članice Europske unije Švedska i Nizozemska. Unatoč tome, prema sva tri indeksa i metodologije, neke zemlje članice Europske unije pokazuju slabu inovacijsku izvedbu, poput Hrvatske, Bugarske i Rumunjske. Komparativna analiza predmetnih indeksa upućuje na najslabije karike ekonomije koje je nužno jačati kako bi se poboljšala razina inovativnosti, a posljedično i konkurentnost, zbog čega su navedeni rezultati smjernice vođenja te definiranja ciljeva, prioriteta i mjera inovacijskih politika. ; The aim of this paper is to show the results of the innovation performance of the member states of the European Union. The most comprehensive insight into the innovation performance of countries is provided by the Global Index of Innovation, the Bloomberg Index of Innovation and the European Innovation Success Scale. These indices have different methodologies for calculating innovation performance of countries, and depending on the type of country index and methodology they produce different results. Comparative analysis of the innovation index has shown that, depending on the type of index and methodology of calculation, the leading countries of the world are Switzerland and South Korea, and the most innovative countries of the European Union are Sweden and the Netherlands. Nevertheless, according to all three indices and methodologies some European Union member states show weak innovation performance, such as Croatia, Bulgaria and Romania. The comparative analysis of the indices in question points to the weakest links of the economy that needs to be strengthened in order to improve the level of innovation and, consequently, competitiveness, which is why the listed results represent guiding and defining principles, guideline priorities and innovation policies measures.

Jedan od praktično i teorijski najvažnijih problema teritorijalne organizacije lokalne samouprave svodi se na dilemu uspostave jednog stupnja ili više stupnjeva lokalnih samoupravnih jedinica. Stupnjevanjem se odgovara na problem i potrebu integracije sustava lokalne samouprave te na potrebu povezivanja tog sustava sa širom državnom organizacijom. Nakon opće rasprave o prednostima i nedostacima stupnjevanja, opsežno je komparativno analizirano stanje u 39 zemalja, 23 razvijene i 16 tranzicijskih. Ustanovljena su četiri tipa teritorijalnih okvira za integraciju sustava lokalne samouprave, jednostupanjski, mješoviti ili segmentirani, dvostupanjski i trostupanjski. Kao glavni faktori koji uvjetuju izbor jednog od tih okvira u pojedinoj zemlji utvrđeni su: veličina lokalnih jedinica, njihovo monotipsko ili politipsko uređenje, veličina države izražena brojem stanovnika te oblik društvenog uređenja (federacije, unitarne države). ; The dilemma about the establishment of one or more levels of local self-government units is one of the most important problems of territorial organisation of local self-government. Levelling is structural answer to the problem and needs to integrate local self-government system itself and to integrate that system into a wider organisation of a state as a whole. At the beginning, the paper deals with general discussion about the advantages and disadvantages of levelling. The situation in almost forty countries has been analysed, including two groups of countries: developed democracies (Austria, Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Ireland, Island, Italia, Japan, Luxemburg, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the USA) and transition countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Montenegro, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Serbia). Four different types of territorial frames for local self-govern mentsystem integration have been identified: one-tier, mixed or segmented, two-tier, and three-tier systems. Decision to select one of them is conditioned by the average size of local units, monotypic or polytypic design of territorial division of a country, the size of a country in terms of the number of inhabitants, and form of political organisation (federation or unitary state).

The author claims that Haberle's theory of the constitution is a science of culture, opposed to formalism, decisionism, positivism, & statism. It is based on the continuity & the relationship among culture-building, law, & state. The subjects of the constitution-formative authority are mutually culturally linked citizens who decide on the objectively given subject-matter & procedures. The theory of the constitution as a science of culture is based on the assumption that serious conflicts among the open societies of Western Europe are highly unlikely. This represents a significant departure from the positivist theory of the state grounded in the conflict of interests & opinions as well as the strong regulatory role of the state. The author challenges Haberle's disregard for the crisis potential of modern societies & proposes that these two opposed theories should complement each other. The author goes on to describe Haberle's research method, which includes an analysis of both the cultural context & the normative/constitutional solutions. He applies this research method to the constitutional laws of Germany, Switzerland, & Austria, & also when comparing large & small states, or developed & underdeveloped ones. Haberle espoused Taylor's definition of culture: culture & civilization are equated so that the systems of culture are on the one hand products of activity, & on the other the conditioning element of future activity. According to Haberle, the culture of a community starts from the traditional, innovative & pluralist aspects that are the orientation points for constitutional science as a science of culture. Regarding tradition, culture is mediation of things past. The innovative aspect is based on the idea that culture is a further development of things past. Since culture is not uniform, its pluralist aspect should not be forgotten. Thus the citizens of a democratic constitutional state make up the cultural/anthropological premise, while the state is only one aspect of the constituted res publica. The constitutional state today goes beyond the scope of the national state since the regional European constitutional state has been evolving together with the outlines of "the world community of constitutional states.". 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Mixed government, which is commonly regarded as a distinctly medieval form of government, is relevant also to contemporary constitutional states. It is the best form of government, since the aristocratic element is a continuous source of virtue, especially of justice, & a check not only on the executive, as the monarchical element which is the seat of political power, & the legislature, as the democratic element which expresses the will of the majority, but also groups & institutions that have the might & will to impose themselves as oligarchies. Mixed government is also the form of government that is practiced by most developed contemporary constitutional states: US, UK, France, Switzerland, Germany, etc. European nobility is the original aristocratic institution, by virtue of the fact that it was a system for the transfer of both virtue & general conditions of life. Three institutions that emerged in the late Middle Ages assumed structures & functions of the nobility. The first is the clergy. When, as a result of the differentiation of feudal society ethical & intellectual virtues of the nobility could no longer maintain general conditions of life, the clergy, by virtue of their abstract knowledge that ranged from philosophy & theology to law & medicine, became a class of new experts in generalities & thereby a new aristocracy. The second modern aristocratic institution is the judiciary, which has a structure & function similar to earlier aristocracies. The task of judges is to establish the highest virtue of constitutionalism. It is justice by law, which regulates general conditions of life in the state & society. What qualifies judges for the task is expertise in the new generality. The expertise includes not only education & experience in law but also impeccable private life & demonstrated professional ethics. The third modern aristocratic institution is the profession, whose most important instance is the legal profession. It shares its structure & function partly with the judiciary & partly with other professions. It seems that modern professions are degenerating. In the key area of data processing, due to rapid changes of technology, professions as systems of the transfer of virtue do not even seem to be possible. Professional aristocracies are replaced increasingly by oligarchies of capitalists & technocrats. Adapted from the source document.

ISRD-3 na Kosovu, kao i u drugim zemljama je koordiniran od strane istraživačke grupe prof. Martin Killias i financira ga Savezna služba za migracije.Kosovo nije sudjelovalo u prethodna dva talasa ove studije (ISRD-1 u 1992. i ISRD-2 u 2006. godini). Ipak, istraživanje na Kosovu nudi vrlo zanimljive nalaze zbog sljedećih razlo­ga: (1) Kosovo je jedan od glavnih izvora imigranata u Švicarskoj i drugim zemljama zapad­ne Evrope. Kosovo je vrlo zanimljivo društvo sa posebnom kulturom. Rezultati ISRD-3 na Koso­vu su vrlo zanimljivi za usporediti sa rezultatima u drugim zemljama zapadne i istočne Evrope. Podaci su prikupljeni u dva najveća grada na Kosovu (Prištini i Prizrenu) tokom jeseni/semestra 2013/2014. U radu su prikazani preliminarni nalazi i razmatraju se glavna pitanja o trajanju viktimizacije u prethdnoj godini, prekršiteljima, kao i korištenju supstance među maloljetnicima.U poređenju sa prvim rezultatima ISRD-3 u drugim zemljama je dio u istraživačke grupe, nalazi ISRD-3 na Kosovu otkrivaju nova zapažanja, što se može objasniti kulturnim razlikama između post-sovjetskih i zapadnoevropskih društava, kao i razvoj modernog društvenog. Također, na Kosovu je ISRD-3 anketa održana u obliku off-line računarskih istraži­vanja. Raspravljaće se o glavnim metodološkim aspektima ove metode. --- ISRD-3 in Kosovo as well as in other 8 countries has been coordinated by the research group of Prof. Martin Killias and funded by The Swiss Federal Office for Migration. Kosovo did not participate in the two previous waves of this study (ISRD-1 in 1992 and ISRD 2 in 2006). Nevertheless, the survey in Kosovo offers very in­teresting findings because of the following reasons: (1) Kosovo is one of the main sources of immigrants in Switzerland and other Western European countries. (2) Kosovo is a very interesting society with a special culture. (3) Results of ISRD-3 in Kosovo are very interesting to compare with other results in other Western and Eastern European countries.Data were collected in the two biggest cities in Kosovo (Pristina and Prizren) during the fall semester of 2013/2014. The paper presents the preliminary findings and discusses the main issues about the life time and the last year victimization, the offending, as well as the substance use among juveniles. In comparison with the first results of ISRD-3 in other countries being part in the research group, findings of ISRD-3 in Kosovo reveals new observations which can be explained by cultural differences between post-soviet and West European societies, as well as other modern social developments.Also in Kosovo ISRD-3 survey took place in the form of off-line computerized survey. The main method­ological aspects of this method will be discussed.