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I. Einleitung II. Drei starke Argumente gegen und zwei schwache Argumente für TTIP in der öffentlichen Debatte III. Ein starkes Argument für TTIP und ein weiteres Gegenargument

W niniejszym artykule Autor koncentruje się na analizie implikacji Transatlantyckiego Partnerstwa Handlowego i Inwestycjnego (TTIP) dla Chin. W ostatnim czasie w związku z negocjacjami w sprawie owego TTIP między USA a Unią Europejską, podkreślano, że rozmowy te mają doprowadzić do redukcji barier regulacyjnych, a to z kolei miało doprowadzić do istotnych korzyści ekonomicznych. W niniejszym artykule analizuje się problem barier regulacyjnych i dokonuje się oceny tego, co może zostać w związku z tym osiągnięte. Idealnie, najlepszym sposobem, aby rozwiązać problemy wynikające z rozbieżności regulacyjnych byłoby, na zasadzie wielostronnej współpracy, również uwzględniać stosunki UE i USA z Chinami. Głównym celem artykułu jest prezentacja implikacji TTIP dla Chin. W szczególności celem badawczym pozostają m.in. regulacyjne bariery handlowe polityki handlu zagranicznego w stosunkach transatlantyckich USA–UE, oraz specyfiki TTIP.

Current political discussions on the relationship of technical standards to the Transatlantic, Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) concern the question whether TTIP can provide a transatlantic level playing field for technical standards, and whether this will negatively affect technical standards in the European Union (EU) and the United States (US). This piece will instead take a different view on technical standards in TTIP. It will switch the perspective to an individual one, namely to the question who decides on standards. It follows the hypothesis that steering principles on mutual recognition and harmonization of technical standards largely depend on who will be given the power to decide on conformity and level of technical standards in the TTIP. As a basis for such an institutional analysis, this piece will evaluate the leaked documents from the TTIP negotiations. The analysis follows the framework for legal institutional analysis identified in the introduction to this book. The introduction highlights that, as legal applications of regime theory and organisation theory, the acts of autonomy and power by institutions are the real subjects of legal investigation of institutionalisation. This largely reflects an approach to institutionalism voiced by Neil Komesar in the 1990ies. As a result, I will identify and map the respective decision-makers and will illustrate the potential impact of these choices on technical standard-setting.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) was intended to create jobs and boost the economies on both sides of the Atlantic. However, constituency support was difficult to garnish, and negotiations were frozen in late 2016, leaving their conclusion in doubt. What led to this stage? Why has an agreement been elusive? Using an array of indicators this paper argues that a major reason was the extensive and professionally structured public mobilisation campaign conducted by European civil society organisations. This shifted public opinion across Europe, which in turn impacted policy. Our research contributes to the literatures on trade, lobbying, and transatlantic relations, with relevance beyond TTIP. The paper discusses how generalised and diffused interests and public opinion are impacting an area of public policy (trade) traditionally influenced predominantly by lobbying from narrowly focused interests.

The Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) was intended to create jobs and boost the economies on both sides of the Atlantic. However, constituency support was difficult to garnish, and negotiations were frozen in late 2016, leaving their conclusion in doubt. What led to this stage? Why has an agreement been elusive? Using an array of indicators this paper argues that a major reason was the extensive and professionally structured public mobilization campaign conducted by European civil society organizations (CSOs). This shifted public opinion across Europe, which in turn impacted policy. Our research contributes to the literatures on trade, lobbying, and transatlantic relations, with relevance beyond TTIP. The paper discusses how generalized and diffused interests and public opinion are impacting an area of public policy (trade) traditionally influenced predominantly by lobbying from narrowly focused interests.