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In The Birth of Energy Cara New Daggett traces the genealogy of contemporary notions of energy back to the nineteenth-century science of thermodynamics to challenge the underlying logic that informs today's uses of energy. These early resource-based concepts of power first emerged during the Industrial Revolution and were tightly bound to Western capitalist domination and the politics of industrialized work. As Daggett shows, thermodynamics was deployed as an imperial science to govern fossil fuel use, labor, and colonial expansion, in part through a hierarchical ordering of humans and nonhumans. By systematically excavating the historical connection between energy and work, Daggett argues that only by transforming the politics of work--most notably, the veneration of waged work--will we be able to confront the Anthropocene's energy problem. Substituting one source of energy for another will not ensure a habitable planet; rather, the concepts of energy and work themselves must be decoupled. ; Publication of this book was supported by Virginia Tech through the TOME Open Monograph Initiative. ; Putting the world to work -- The birth of energy -- The novelty of energy -- A steampunk production -- A geo-theology of energy -- Work becomes energetic -- Energy, race, and empire -- Energopolitics -- The imperial organism at work -- Education for empire -- A post-work energy politics. ; Includes bibliographical references and index.

The last ten years has seen the rise of populist forces across the globe from both the right and the left. While often read in the context of the perceived rise of, and reactions to populist and potentially violent Islam, this analysis is excessively focused on observations of the right, and ignores similarities between the populist right and the populist left. By way of an alternative, this article draws together political theology, original ethnography and observations of contemporary politics in the United Kingdom (and to a lesser extent the United States and Canada) to offer a broader lens involving: the rise of liberalism, the consequent construction of politics as technocratic management, and the neglect and resultant disillusionment of ordinary people. In particular, the paper draws on my recent research on the role of myths of solidarity in developing civic engagement. It argues that myths of solidarity have been undermined by the rise of liberalism, and that restoring such myths to the center of contemporary politics is vital to challenging the myths of division that fuel populist politics. Finally, it explores possibilities for restoring myths to the center of contemporary politics, suggesting that while avenues for such reform are emerging, politics as technocratic management remains the dominant paradigm.

ABSTRACT: The concern about the uniformity of the population of the earth, in terms of human and fundamental rights, has become a constant concern over the past decades for the majority of politicians, particularly those from the developed countries. This reality, also known as globalization, has benefited from both sympathy and appeals. This phenomenon was taken over by Literature, Philosophy, Sociology, Theology, etc., and each field has specifically proposed different aspects of what would happen in the future. Therefore, this paper attempts to capture the phenomenon of globalization from the point of view of the holistic development of the society. The approach is critical to provoke thinking on this issue and less concluding with normative consequences. What this study adds to is that it is surprising that the approach to holistically develop the society is actually one that changes or intends to replace it. The argumentation system for this thesis is based on the evolution of some systems and the way they are used. We are talking about the theological, financial, political, psychological and social assistance system. We propose this perspective as a dialogue and as a way of directing scientific thinking to areas, considered, solved. KEY WORDS: society, church, holistic development, virtualization, political assistance, psychological assistance, theological assistance, financial assistance, mass–media assistance, social assistance.

ITALIANO: Nel panorama della storia della predicazione bizantina, spicca la figura di Leone VI il Saggio, l'imperatore-predicatore. Fu un personaggio poliedrico e versatile, abilissimo politico, legislatore, stratega, spregiudicato quanto basta per contrapporsi alla gerarchia ecclesiastica allo scopo di piegarla ai propri fini. L'articolo esamina la peculiare teologia politica di Leone, ricercandone le tracce nelle omelie, in particolar modo nella lunga e articolata Laudatio funebris di Giovanni Crisostomo, in cui egli riprende una fonte rielaborandola in modo apparentemente minimo, ma in realtà decisivo, con piccole inserzioni significative con cui ribadisce la stretta unione, ma non la sudditanza, tra ius e potere imperiale. / ENGLISH: In the framework of the history of Byzantine preaching, Leo VI the Wise, the emperor-preacher, stands out. He was a multifaceted and versatile character, a skilled politician, legislator, strategist, and unscrupulous enough to oppose the church hierarchy in order to bend it to his own ends. The article examines Leo's unique political theology, by searching for its traces in homilies, especially in the long and articulated Laudatio funebris Iohannis Chrisostomi, in which he reclaims a source by re-elaborating it in a way that seems minor but is in fact quite decisive. He achieves this with small yet meaningful insertions which reaffirm the close union, but not the subjection, between ius and imperial power.

Schmitt applied the method of political theology to demonstrate how romanticism moved thestructure of the Kantian aesthetic judgment to all practical spheres, which enhances the role ofthe imagination as a creator of reality. This develops a kind of ironic subjectivity that is notcommitted with no ethical, moral or political value, for this reason, it distorts speeches in termsof truth and enduring commitments of "truly" political subjectivity, which seeks throughvolitional affective membership a value, to transform the concrete reality. This ironic subjectivityis the prefiguration of a political activity associated with individualism, creativity, rejection ofthe whole fixed rule and institutional rigidity. ; Schmitt aplica el método de la teología política para demostrar cómo el romanticismo trasladala estructura del juicio estético kantiano a todas las esferas prácticas, con lo cual exalta el papelde la imaginación como facultad creadora de la realidad. Esto desarrolla un tipo desubjetividad irónica que no se compromete con ningún valor ético, moral o político; por eso,distorsiona los discursos en términos de verdad y los compromisos duraderos propios de lasubjetividad "verdaderamente" política, la cual busca a través de la adhesión afectivo volitiva aun valor, transformar la realidad concreta. Esta subjetividad irónica es la prefiguración de unaactividad política asociada al individualismo, la creatividad, el rechazo de toda norma fija yrigidez institucional.

The text analyzes the mutual relations between the liturgy of sacraments and the most solemn state ceremony in the Republic of Poland, that of swearing-in of the Head of State. Although the latter ceremony is secular, its antecedence should be sought in the religious aspects of the enthronement of European rulers in the Middle Ages. These references make the swearing-in an object of study combining theology and political science. They invite questions about the relation between the religious imagination of a given national community and its political organization as embodied in state ceremonies. The candidate who wins the presidential elections becomes the President of the Polish Republic after their victory is announced by the National Electoral Commission, and after the Supreme Court confirms validity of this result. However, they remain President-Elect until they utter the words of the oath. Therefore, the swearing-in is a public ritual regulated by law which needs to be completed in order to formally commence exercise of the office. The oath, which is spelled out in the Constitution and delivered by the newly elected Head of State, has a performative nature, similar to liturgical formulas. Additionally, it comprises an optional reference to God as witness to the oath delivered. Therefore, the presidential oath is a historically conditioned testimony to public authority, referring to the realm of the sacred.

Schmitt aplica el método de la teología política para demostrar cómo el romanticismo traslada la estructura del juicio estético kantiano a todas las esferas prácticas, con lo cual exalta el papel de la imaginación como facultad creadora de la realidad. Esto desarrolla un tipo de subjetividad irónica que no se compromete con ningún valor ético, moral o político; por eso, distorsiona los discursos en términos de verdad y los compromisos duraderos propios de la subjetividad "verdaderamente" política, la cual busca a través de la adhesión afectivo volitiva aun valor, transformar la realidad concreta. Esta subjetividad irónica es la prefiguración de una actividad política asociada al individualismo, la creatividad, el rechazo de toda norma fija y rigidez institucional. ; Schmitt applied the method of political theology to demonstrate how romanticism moved thestructure of the Kantian aesthetic judgment to all practical spheres, which enhances the role ofthe imagination as a creator of reality. This develops a kind of ironic subjectivity that is notcommitted with no ethical, moral or political value, for this reason, it distorts speeches in termsof truth and enduring commitments of "truly" political subjectivity, which seeks throughvolitional affective membership a value, to transform the concrete reality. This ironic subjectivityis the prefiguration of a political activity associated with individualism, creativity, rejection ofthe whole fixed rule and institutional rigidity.

At the close of his Living in the End Times, Žižek returns to a concern that theology has become (again) a touchstone of radical political activity. Indeed, the work of socialism has always—rightly or wrongly, positively and negatively—maintained a strongly messianic-apocalyptic character in the hands of its most ardent supporters. Žižek's correct analysis in End Times is to remind his reader that such energies ought to be handled with care, because the desire (under the insistently traumatic terms of contemporary life) is that we simply reassert the moral, agential supremacy of the "big Other" who will validate and assure socialism's success. Such a condition leads us then to something that radical activists on the street—as an entity separate from those theorizing capitalism's demise—might do well to call simply class consciousness. Ever the goal of organizational energies, the best version of class consciousness (à la Žižek) exists between the self and group identification, and is infused with an energetic potentiality that transcends the false activity of "struggle" insofar as it sees the raising up of one another's class-based interests as having an actual productive end, and not (in the messianic mode) keeping up the fight in the sense of running in place until the end finally (finally!) comes.

Much has been written about the role and contributions of the church in the struggle against, and the dismantling of, apartheid in South Africa (e.g. De Gruchy & De Gruchy 2004; Hofmeyer, Millard & Froneman 1991; Plaatjies-Van Huffel & Vosloo 2013). However, very little has been written from a church historical point of view about the role of the church in the development and shaping of democracy in South Africa since 1994. This article attempts to provide a historical survey of the role and contributions of the church, specifically, in building the new democratic South Africa. It pays particular attention to the struggles of the South African council of churches (SACC), the split in the ecumenical movement and the efforts of the church to impact on the realities in South Africa since 1994 until the present. In spite of all the challenges, the church has contributed to the building of the democratic South African nation. I shall illustrate this by examining archival material and information extracted from mainly the primary sources such as statements, pronouncements, press releases, events, minutes and actions undertaken by the church within the period mentioned. ; This paper was presented at the Third Joint Conference of Academic Societies in the field of Religion and Theology, 11–15 July 2016 at the University of Pretoria, South Africa. ; http://www.hts.org.za ; am2017 ; Church History and Church Policy

The parameters for the relationship between the ordained and the non-ordained in the Church's mission, particularly in the realm of public functioning and the power of jurisdiction, are set frequently by reference to a limiting interpretation of the formula of Lumen Gentium lOb, regarding the relationship of the common and ministerial priesthood. This study illustrates how the same formula emphasises the dynamic of mutual orientation that determines this relationship. This dynamic is illustrated by an exploration of the theme of the common priesthood in scripture, theology and the Magisterium. Two other themes are significant for a proper understanding of the mutual orientation in question: the origin and nature of the power of governance, and the personal or institutional nature of the power exercised in ecclesiastical office. Given the importance of ecclesiastical office as a juridical institution for the Church's public functioning, the theological-juridical category munus emerges as both unifying and orienting for the relationship between the ordained and non-ordained in the exercise of office. The study sustains that ecclesiastical offices have a primordial content based on the nature of one's sacramental participation in the priesthood of Christ, and the consequent participation in his threefold munera. This is significant for appointment to ecclesiastical office, its proper exercise, and the authoritative nature of public functioning

South Africa has recently experienced a series of public protests. The common element is that violence is becoming evident in these protests. This article uses the June 2016 protests in the city of Tshwane as an example to address the root causes of such protests. On 20 June 2016, the African National Congress (ANC) announced that the city of Tshwane mayoral candidate for the 3 August 2016 municipal elections in South Africa is the former public works minister and ANC National Executive Committee member, Thoko Didiza. Consequently, public protests in the city of Tshwane emerged immediately after this announcement. These public protests were very violent, such as protesters killed one another, burned buses, looted shops and barricaded roads. The root causes of these violent protests are identified as factionalism, tribalism, sexism, economic exclusion and patronage politics. The purpose of this article is a practical theological reflection on the root causes of June 2016 protests in the city of Tshwane. The main aim of this article is a practical theological solution to the general problem of violent protests. ; Dr Kgatle is participating in the research project 'Socio-cultural Readings', directed by Prof. Dr Ernest van Eck, Department of New Testament Studies, Faculty of Theology, University of Pretoria, South Africa. ; http://www.hts.org.za ; am2017 ; New Testament Studies

This research is about the history of education because it is discussed historically, namely prioritizing the meaning of processes and changes from history. In connection with this history also uses a sociological approach to describe a social system in that historical period and uses a political approach because Arabic language education is closely related to the Daulah policy. The method required for research is using the historical method, namely using the heuristic method, verification, interpretation, and ending with historiography. This research finds that Arabic during the Umayyad Daula became the language of theology, the language of communication and the language of state administration which developed in line with the regional expansion of the Arabization policy. In the past Daula Abbasid language, Arabic is continuing role of language Arabic at the time of the Umayyad and then developed into a language knowledge that acts as a bridge of knowledge through government policy by performing translation movement. The education system in this classical period was teacher-oriented, not institution oriented, which means that the quality of education depends on the teacher, not on the institution. Whereas in the Arabic learning system in those two periods, it was impliedly the same as the Islamic learning system because of Arabic as a language medium for studying Islam and other sciences.

Introduction: The article deals with the ideas of the New Testament that can be basic for a formation of the catholic missionary paradigm. The purpose of our work is to revise different scientific theories about missionary ideas of the New Testament and understand the ones that could be used by Catholic theology in the planning of missionary activity. To get a needed scientific result, we use methods of logical, comparative, stylistic analysis, hermeneutical, phenomenological and synthetic ones. On the basis of these methods, scientific theories, and our own researches, we want to get a balanced understanding of biblical ideas that could be fundamental for Catholic missionary work and about those ones that couldn't. Besides ideas that were written in Scripture and were clearly missionary ones, for example The Great Commission, we want to examine the aspects that were unobvious but very important in the context of understanding of Catholic missionary paradigm and its differences from the Orthodox one. Conclusion. After revision of the New Testament in a confessional context we can claim that there were certain ideas that became the basis for Catholic missionary work, and that confessional peculiarities of missionary work could appear because of different ways of understanding of the biblical texts as well as because of cultural, political, philosophical and mental differences between East and West.

With the spread of Islam in the early middle ages, Arabic became the lingua franca of the empire ruled by Muslims, which was populated also by large numbers of Jews and Christians. Islamic rule provided the umbrella under which various cultural traditions could merge to form a new, imperial culture, which comprised all peoples of various faiths and different ethnic backgrounds living within the dār al-Islām. One of the characteristic features of early Abbasid culture is the prominence of intellectual figures of non-Arab background. Important contributions were made by translators from Pahlavi, but also by East Syrian Christians. The most famous institution associated with the transmission and cultivation of learning is the House of Wisdom (bayt al-ḥikma). The Abbasid court stimulated numerous translations from Greek and Persian into Arabic. The translation movement received its impetus from the Abbasid power centre, drawing non-Muslims into its orbit, who participated in and contributed to the emergence of an Islamic culture, not only by translating texts into Arabic, but also by stimulating interfaith dialogues, which contributed to the emergence of an Islamic apologetic theology (kalām). The imperial culture of early Abbasid Iraq was nurtured and shaped by a synthesis of different traditions achieved by cultural brokers at the imperial centre of the Islamic caliphate.

At a time when political debate in the West is preoccupied with the perceived impact of extremist ideas on individuals who embrace or support terrorism, this article uses the publicly articulated grievances of Ayman al-Zawahiri, Al-Qaeda's most prolific ideologue, as a case study to examine how a globally focused and distributed extremist narrative matches political realities on the ground. The approach of the article is to compare two political processes: the approach of Islamist extremists, as represented by Zawahiri, to constitutional reform as articulated through public appeals to potential supporters versus the reality of constitutional amendments and evolution of fundamental law in the Middle East and South Asia. Incorporating insights from studies on law and society and International Relations, the article demonstrates how Zawahiri's interpretation of religious law emphasises wholesale adoption of sharia while the process of legal reform has invariably resulted in the creation of legal hybrids, mixing Islamic and non-Islamic legal traditions. This is not an article about theology or religious law but an effort to dissect the public relations of an international terrorist movement. The analysis pays particular attention to events in Zawahiri's native Egypt, where evolving grievances concerning a series of constitutional amendments – including those following the Arab revolutions and the toppling of Mohammed Morsi – are assessed.