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Migration hat sich in den letzten Jahren zu einem der meistdiskutierten Phänomene entwickelt, sowohl innerhalb als auch außerhalb der akademischen Welt. Dieses Buch untersucht, wie syrische Flüchtlingsfrauen sozial, wirtschaftlich, kulturell, ethnisch und sexuell marginalisiert werden. Die Autorin analysiert, wie sich die in der türkischen Aufnahmegesellschaft produzierten Diskurse auf syrische Flüchtlingsfrauen und einheimische Frauen auswirken. Was denken diese Frauen über die aktuellen Ereignisse, ihren Status und die Schritte, die die syrische Regierung und auch NGOs bisher unternommen haben, um Lösungen für die Unsichtbarmachung von Frauen im öffentlichen Raum zu finden? In recent years, migration has become one of the most discussed phenomena, both within and outside the academic world. This book takes into account how Syrian female refugees are socially, economically, culturally, ethnically and sexually marginalized. The author analyzes how discourses produced in the Turkish host society affect Syrian female refugees and local women. What do these women think about the ongoing events, their status and the steps the Syrian government and NGOs as well have taken so far in order to produce solutions for women's invisibilization in the public sphere?

The main idea of this article is to describe the process of Turkish foreign policy evolvement during the rule of Justice and Development party (JDP). From weak economy and unstable political situation in 2001, JDP quickly formulated a new strategy of foreign policy and stabilized economy. In the article the Turkish foreign policy in the 21st century is divided into several stages which respond to different international threats and circumstances. The first stage was a peacekeeping stage when Turkey tried to stabilize the situation near its borders and implement peace initiatives for the purpose to find new markets and allies. As a result, Turkey formulated a new strategy of foreign policy, called "Zero Problems Policy" which aimed to create a ring of friendly countries on the borders. On the second stage, Turkish foreign policy was more active – Turkey tried to balance among regional power centers and confront with one of the most powerful actors – Israel. Confrontation with Tel Aviv was a preface to the third stage, and today under the influence of "Arab Spring" and desire to change its role in international relations, Turkey refused "Zero Problems Policy" strategy and turned to a new aggressive and revanchist idea – neo- Ottomanism. Ankara tries to build a new regional set of rules where Turkey will play a leading role.

The article is devoted to ideological issues in the Turkish party system in the context of the electoral process. The authors analyze the internal content and principles of ideological platforms of the leading parties in Turkey. The formal analysis of party programs allowed to determine the value of the ideology for the functioning of the parties. Besides, analysis of the results of opinion polls conducted by the Turkish public opinion research centers revealed the functionality of ideology in the context of election campaigns. The object of the study was the ideologies of 4 major political parties of Turkey, which entered National Parliament after elections in November 2015. These are conservative Justice and Development Party, the center-left Republican People's Party, the National Movement Party, the Democratic Party of peoples. Analysis of party programs and other official documents showed that all four parties clearly define their ideological identity and political position. However, despite the clarity of such ideological identification, analysis of the last two election campaigns in Turkey revealed a trend among major parties to refuse from the traditional ideological rhetoric and to practice populist methods of voters attracting. The paper discloses the contents of the political stratification of Turkish society, depending on the ideological preferences of representatives of various social groups. Causative factors of ideological discourse rise are considered in the context of inter-party competition of leading political forces of the Turkish Republic. A comparative analysis shows that the Republican People's Party and the Nationalist Movement Party are both doctrinal with distinct ideological postulates that have a national base. In contrast, the Justice and Development Party, as well as the People's Democratic Party are more pragmatic and charismatic at the same time. (author's abstract)

Shared support for Hamas likely means better diplomatic relations between Moscow and Ankara. But any warming of ties will only be situational.

The article analyzes political views of the political leaders of Turkey, namely, Fethullah Gülen and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The programs of the Party of Justice and Development, books, articles and interviews of the Turkish leaders were surveyed. Historical sources of their views are traced. The reform plans of the Party of Justice and Development and the Movement "Khizmet" are assessed.Key words: Turkey, Islam, Party of Justice and Development, Movement "Khizmet" ; В статье проводится сравнительный анализ политических взглядов ведущих политических деятелей Турции – Фетхуллаха Гюлена и Реджепа Тайипа Эрдогана. Работа основывается на программных документах Партии справедливости и развития, книгах, статьях и интервью турецких лидеров. Рассматриваются исторические корни их взглядов, дается оценка планов реформ Партии справедливости и развития и движения «Хизмет».Ключевые слова: Турция, ислам, Партия справедливости и развития, движение «Хизмет».

The article studies the influence of Russia and Turkey on the political development of the South Caucasus in 1918. The choice of 1918 year is conditioned by its transitivity in the relations of two countries with regard to the Caucasus region: peace treaty was concluded, but cooperation was not achieved yet. After the fall of the monarchy Russia entered the stage of reconstruction, while Turkey was on the verge of the final fall of the Young Turks. For both countries the territory of the South Caucasus became the stage of political struggle for realizing imperial ambitions and an attempt to prevent the final territorial disintegration of states. The author shows a difference between Russian and Turkish political approaches. Turkey acted directly, holding negotiations and introducing troops, while Russia had no contacts with Caucasus officials and tried to weaken the Turkish activity in the region through Germany. The conflict nature of the region, which had earlier been suppressed by the power of Russian monarchy, was revealed now. The author presents the political development of the South Caucasus in the form of evolution from the idea of autonomy within the Russian statehood to the proclamation of independence of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Considering the South Caucasus political development in the international context is conditioned by dependence on external challenges, which determined the decisions and actions of Caucasian political elites. On the one hand, the newly formed Caucasian governments declared their independence at the international level. On the other hand, these governments were dependent on the leaders of world politics in achieving their goals. The participation of Russia and Turkey in the political processes in the South Caucasus was associated with the contradictory aims. Both parties didn't want to be eliminated from the Caucasian region. At the same time, they tried to avoid military conflict. The Turkish government's motivation to use the military power consisted in the need to protect the Muslim population, but not in opposition to Russia. In general, year 1918 marked two opposite perspectives for both countries: for Russia - the loss of the Caucasus as a territory and a sphere of influence; for Turkey - strengthening positions through the local Muslim population.

The article is devoted to an urgent problem dealing with the cooperation of the Turkish Republic and Azerbaijan Republic in the military sphere at the end of 20th – the beginning of 21st century. For Azerbaijan' s leaders Turkey has always been a special partner. This statement has an explanation. Ankara was the first state, which recognized the independence of Azerbaijan Republic. Moreover, Turkish government made great efforts to strengthen new state in different spheres. Military ties were one of the most important for both sides.
The cooperation between two states in the military sphere can be subdivided into several periods. The article gives the detailed analysis of normative documents concluded by the Republics' governments. The first period of military contacts (1990s) was the time of Turkish educational support. Ankara provided training assistance to the military forces of Azerbaijan. Military staff was restrained by Turkish instructors. Special uniform, armament and other equipment to make transformation was given to Baku by Turkish partners. Step by step, Azerbaijan' s military sphere was moving to Western standards. The year 1999 has become an important period for the military relations of Ankara and Baku. Since this year the military cooperation has extended and intensified, it is possible to name it as a new period of states' military collaboration. Turkish government gave financial aid to Ministry of Defense of Republic of Azerbaijan, provided the material and technical support to Baku for improving long-term military cooperation. In 2010 the Turkey-Azerbaijan Strategic Partnership Agreement was signed. It should be noticed that Baku refused to sign the agreement of Azerbaijan's participation in Collective security treaty organization, leaving the block of CSTO states headed by the Russian Federation. It's possible to say about the strengthening of the Baku-Ankara alliance. This action may lead to complication of Baku-Moscow relations and destabilize mutual relations. Mutual military ties between two Turkish states are shown in the context of Russia's interests in the region.

The paper purports to analyze the dynamics of Russia-Turkey relations through the prism of cooperation and rivalry patterns in the Wider Black Sea Region. It aims at finding out cooperation and rivalry areas as well as evaluating the prospects for political, economic and energy transportation cooperation in the Wider Black Sea Region. The New Regionalism approach forms the theoretical and methodological basis for the research. In accordance with the approach regions are seen as actors per se being internally or externally constructed. The authors suppose that preserving the logic of pragmatism and fragmentation the two states will ensure positive dynamics in the relations.Key words: European Union, Russia, Turkey, Wider Black sea region, gas, energy diplomacy, energy resources, regionalism, security. ; В данной статье предпринята попытка рассмотреть динамику отношений между Турцией и Россией под углом сотрудничества и соперничества, а также спрогнозировать ее развитие. Авторы опираются на методологические подходы теоретиков «нового регионализма» (new regionalism), полагая, что регионы становятся самостоятельными акторами на мировой арене, могут конструироваться как изнутри, так и при участии внешних акторов. По мнению авторов, следование логике прагматизма и сохранение принципа фрагментации отношений обеспечит их положительную динамику.Ключевые слова: Большое Причерноморье, Европейский союз, Россия, Турция, безопасность, газ, дипломатия энергоресурсов, регионализм, энергоресурсы.

Ключевые слова: внешняя политика; дипломатия; Международная организация по совместному развитию тюркской культуры и искусства; Турецкое агентство международного сотрудничества и развития; Туркменистан; Турция. = Keywords: diplomacy; foreign policy; International Organization for the Joint Development of Turkic Culture and Art; Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency; Turkey; Turkmenistan. ; Статья посвящена вопросам установления связей Турции и Туркменистана в 1991—1995 гг. Автором проанализированы условия и особенности формирования отношений между Анкарой и Ашхабадом в первые годы постсоветского периода. В статье также отмечаются ключевые направления сотрудничества стран в начальный период: культура, образование, гуманитарная сфера. Турецкая политика в отношении Туркменистана в первые годы независимости отличалась высоким вовлечением политических, дипломатических кругов, поступательными попытками установить свой непосредственный авторитет, расширить свои возможности в энерготранзитном секторе. Главным механизмом внешней политики Турции в отношении Туркменистана стала культурная дипломатия, которая имела реальные перспективы. Туркменистан видел в лице Турции важного политического, торгово-экономического и гуманитарного партнера. ; The article is devoted to issues of establishing relations between Turkey and Turkmenistan in 1991—1995. The author analyzes conditions and peculiarities of the formation of relations between Ankara and Ashgabat in the fi rst years of the post-Soviet period. Key areas of cooperation between the countries in the initial period are also covered in the article: culture, education, humanitarian sphere. The Turkish policy towards Turkmenistan in the fi rst years of independence was marked by the high involvement of political and diplomatic circles, staged attempts to establish its direct authority and expand its capabilities in the energy transit sector. Cultural diplomacy became the main mechanism of the Turkish foreign policy towards Turkmenistan, which had real prospects. Turkmenistan saw Turkey as an important political, trade-economic and humanitarian partner.

Before the beginning of the 20th century, family law in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey (1923– 1926) had been mainly regulated by the Islamic law in accordance with the rules of the Hanafi legal school. However, since the second half of the 19th century, due to the objective changes in the domestic and foreign political and economic conditions, the Ottomans were forced to reform their legal system. This article addresses the problems of codifi cation of Islamic family law in the Ottoman Empire and Turkish Republic, the issues of Islamic law refl ected in the Civil Code of the Republic of Turkey today. ; До начала XX века семейное право в Османской империи и Турции (1923–1926) регулировалось в основном исламским правом в соответствии с нормами ханафитской религиозно-правовой школы. Однако со второй половины XIX века, в силу объективного изменения внешне-, внутриполитических и экономических условий, османы были вынуждены реформировать правовую сферу. В статье затрагиваются проблемы кодификации исламского семейного права в Османской империи и Турецкой Республике, рассматриваются вопросы исламского права, которые нашли отражение в Гражданском кодексе Турецкой Республики сегодня.

The project of political Islam came to its end in the 1990–2000s. The heirs of the concepts and practices of parties of Political Islam live nowadays in new realities and their programs and rhetoric are verydiff erent from the worldview of political movements that set the tone for the second half of the 20th century. Turkey is a vivid example. In this paper author attempts to trace the electionagenda and the political technologies applied by the Political Islam parties in Turkey from the late 60s until 2015, shows the continuity of politicians and the transformation of ideological preferences of Turkish "Islamists". The era of Turkish Islamism began and ended with Necmettin Erbakan, the permanent leader of Milli Görüş Movement. Softening of Islamists' slogans and programs reached itspeak with 'reformists' who broke off the parent party and founded post-islamist Justice and Development Party. ; Проект политического ислама подошел к своему завершению в 1990–2000-х годах. Сегоднянаследники концепций и практик партий политического ислама живут в совершенно иных реалиях, чем их создатели, а программы и риторика нынешних политических движений такого толка сильно отличаются от мировоззрения тех, что задавали тон во второй половине XX века. Турция — яркий тому пример. В этой статье предпринята попытка роанализировать предвыборную повестку и политические технологии, применявшиеся партиями политического ислама в Турции с конца 60-х гг. до 2015 года, показана преемственность политиков и трансформация идеологических предпочтений турецких «исламистов».

The article explores interaction in the U.S.-Turkey-France triangle on military and political issues related to the rejoining of NATO military organization by France in 2009. This analysis is important to clarify the level of NATO coherence, speed of the emergence of polycentric world and to forecast behavior of these three partners. The article studies differences in doctrines and approaches of the three countries to the Iranian, Syrian, Libyan and Afghan crises. In regards to each of the crises interests of three countries are identified, which define their poitions. The authors come to the conclusion that existing differences are not deep and reflect divergent rather than antagonistic interests. ; В статье рассмотрено конфликтное взаимодействие в треугольнике США — Турция — Франция по военно-политическим вопросам со времени возвращения Франции в военную организацию НАТО в 2009 г. Данный анализ необходим для прояснения степени единства НАТО, скорости формирова- ния полицентричного мира и для прогнозирования поведения трех партнеров. Рассмотрено как несовпадение доктрин, так и несхожесть подходов трех стран к кризисам в Иране, Сирии, Ливии и Афганистане. В каждом кризисе выделены интересы трех государств, которые определяют их позиции. Авторы приходят к выводу, что существующие разногласия неглубоки и за ними стоят в основном расходящиеся, а не антагонистические интересы.