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In this article, the way the Turkish state treats Kurds is put under the spotlight. The Kurds in Turkey have been subjected to extensive oppression since the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire in 1918. The author places oppression of the Kurds in the context of official dogmatic Turkish nationalistic ideology, Kemalism, which is based on the political philosophy of the founder of the Turkish republic, Mustafa Kemal "Ataturk." The military have assumed the position of his foremost spokesmen after Ataturk's death. It was hoped that the process of adaptation to the ED would result in ending the 80-year-long oppression of the Kurds & the other minorities, after Turkey acquired candidate status to the EU in 1999, but the country's powerful military are trying to thwart this process. The article is discussing how the military are using their role in the Kurdish question to hamper the democratization process. In Turkey there is widespread agreement that the unsolved Kurdish question is the main reason for the problems which have arisen in connection with the process of adaptation to the EU. References. Adapted from the source document.

The article gives a background to the resumption of peace negotiations in Nicosia in Jan 2002. The negotiations follow on a period of increased polarization in the conflict resulting from the prospects that Cyprus will be admitted to the European Union (EU). Concepts from ripeness theory are thereafter used in an analysis of whether the Cyprus conflict is now ripe for resolution. Although the prospect of EU membership is found to have provided Greek & Turkish Cypriots with new incentives to strike a deal in their long-standing conflict, the prevailing asymmetry -- to which EU has added -- raises doubts on the possibility of reaching an agreement in time for admission. In addition, on neither side has the ground been prepared for a compromise settlement. However, the development of EU's relationship with Turkey is found to be of even more crucial importance, as that will have a decisive effect on the respective parties' incentive structure. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Etter at Tyrkia i 1999 fikk status som sokerland til EU og forhandlinger om medlemskap startet i 2005, har tyrkerne lovet a imotekomme EU-krav om demokratisering av landet og en losning av det 'kurdiske problemei'. En demokratiseringsprosess forutsetter imidlertid kritiske og frie medier. Men bade Tyrkias vestlige allierte og folk flest i landet er bekymret for dagens situasjon, der journalister, forfattere og folkevalgte politikere fengsles for sine ytringer som av myndighetene er oppfattet som formidling av propaganda som kommer den kurdiske frigjoringsbevegelse (PKK) til gode. Basert pa intervjuer med personer med ekspertkunnskap fra Tyrkia og et utvalg av avisartikler og kommentarer fra tyrkiske papiraviser, utforskes det hvordan tyrkiske medier styres i forhold til det kurdiske opproret i Tyrkia, samt hvorvidt det regierende Rettferdighets-og utviklingsparti (AKP) kan bidra til a demokratisere landet. Analysen viser at under Erdogan og hans AKP har medienes handlingsrom med hensyn til kurderkonflikten, og for orvrig ogsa generelt, ikke blitt saerlig bedre enn under hans forgjengere When Turkey was granted candidate status to EU membership in 1999 and negotiations started in 2005, hopes were high that the country would meet EU requirements for democratization and that a solution would be found to the so-called 'Kurdish problem'. However, a democratization process implies a critical and free media. Turkey's citizens and Western allies are now following recent developments with concern. Journalists, writers and elected politicians have been imprisoned for their work, some held on terror-related charges or propaganda and others for allegedly participating in antigovernment plots. With this as a backdrop, to what extent is Erdogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) democratizing the country? My aim in this article is to answer the question and explore the extent to which media censorship and control is occurring, in particular regarding Kurdish insurgency in Turkey. I make use of primary and secondary data, including interviews with media experts in Turkey and a selection of newspaper articles from six Turkish newspapers. The Turkish government already exercises a tight hand over Turkey's traditional media, yet, as the analysis reveals, under Erdogan the government controls of freedom of expression and press (in particular concerning the Kurdish conflict) are tightening further. Adapted from the source document.

Grannes, A.: Mosaikk og konflikt i post-sovjetisk Sentral-Asia: Historie, etnisk, spraklig, religioes og annen bakgrunn for dagens konfliktbilde. S. 5-56. Koelberg, A.: The great game - et spill uten deltagere? S. 57-74. Neumann, I. B.: Russland i Sentral-Asia. S. 75-80. Thordarson, F.: Etnisk konflikter i Kaukasus. S. 81-94. Heradstveit, D.: Konfliktar i Kaukasus. S. 95-110. Robins, P.: "Silent competition": Iran and Turkey in Azarbaijan and Central Asia. S. 111-124. Heradstveit, D.: Etno-nasjonalismen i eks-Soviet. S. 125-148

The contributions in this issue of the journal are outlined. They are devoted to the topics of: (1) European security & defense policy & the different approaches to it by France & the UK, (2) EU citizens' support for a common foreign & security policy by this international body, (3) economic development problems in China's Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region, (4) the Kurdish question in Turkey as this country applies for EU membership, & (5) the restitution of private property disputes in post-war Kosovo. Contributions to the next, 65th volume of the journal, as it will celebrate its 70th year of publication in 2007, are solicited. Z. Dubiel