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The article aims to analyze representational practices which relied upon a series of relations that helped to legitimate U.S. foreign policy towards revolutionary Cuba in the years 1959-1960. Thinking of the U.S.-Cuban relations in terms of representational practices, the study deals with the representations of Cuba and explores how they were connected with certain strategies of political legitimization in the U.S. discourse. This attitude highlights an aspect of power as a producer of meanings, subject identities, their relationships and a range of imaginable conduct. For that matter, the analysis endorses the representational practices used to depict "the other" as a basis for conceptualization of the strategies. Adapted from the source document.

Aus tschechischer Sicht

The level of political participation of American citizens is commonly considered to be high. However, voter turnout is in fact relatively low, even in highly attractive presidential elections. The article focuses on this phenomenon and the particular factors that, according to the literature, affect turnout negatively. The first part describes various methods being used to measure voter turnout in the USA. The difference can even be several percentage points, depending on the method of calculation. With regard to these distinctions, American data cannot be directly compared with voter turnout statistics in European countries that use a different methodology. The main part of the article analyses several factors that are generally considered to influence voter turnout in the USA negatively, and counts their real impact. One important factor is that voter registration methods can lower the turnout by up to 11 per cent. Also significant is the lowering of the voting-age limit in 1971. Neither gradual changes in population age structure nor enactment of election-day holidays have proven to negatively influence turnout. The principal findings reveal a permanent increase of inhabitants without voting rights (esp. non-citizens). These persons are included in voting-age population figures, and due to inexact methodology, cause a merely statistical decrease at the level of at least 3 per cent of voter turnout. Adapted from the source document.

The key argument of the presented text is the idea that the reform of the US security policy that started after 9/11; the US participation on counter-insurgency, stabilization and nation--building operations in Iraq and Afghanistan; and the big pressure on the domestic security structure led to a reorganization of the US security policy and a transformation of the domestic governance structures and practices according to the model of security governance. In an effort to defend the US against possible future terrorist attacks and formulate the robust counter-insurgency operation in Iraq and Afghanistan, the US Government started to create a new model of security policy organization and integrate diplomacy, development and defense instruments. While security policy used to have a clear chain of command, security governance is marked by a non-linear, horizontal, and networked policy coordination. Adapted from the source document.

Url: http://josc.selcuk.edu.tr/article/view/1075000299 ; Türk kamuoyunda 1960'lı yıllardan başlayarak bazı kesimlerde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'ne karşı bir güvensizlik ortamının oluştuğu ve Kıbrıs müdahalesinin ardından ABD'nin uyguladığı silah ambargosu ile bu güvensizliğin daha da tırmandığı söylenebilir. Türkiye kendi çıkarları açısından, her dönemde ABD'nin desteğine büyük önem vermiş ve bu desteği yitirme kaygısı yaşamıştır. "Çıkar maksimizasyonu" ilkesine dayanan Amerikan dış politikası için ise dış politikada sürekli "dostluklar" ya da "düşmanlıklar" söz konusu değildir. Türkiye bu gerçeği 1974'de uygulanan silah ambargosu gibi bazı acı tecrübelerle anlamış ve bu, bazı kesimlerde ABD'ye karşı – kimi zaman komplo teorilerine varan- olumsuz görüş ve yargılar oluşmuştur. Çalışmada ABD'ye ilişkin olumsuz yargılar, iki ülke ilişkilerinin tarihi içerisinde saptanmış ve aynı yargıların 3 Kasım seçim sürecinde nasıl ifadelendirildiği gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. "Milliyetçi sol" olarak adlandırılan Aydınlık Dergisi ve "milliyetçi sağ"da yer alan Yeni Mesaj gazetelerinin köşe yazılarının makroyapısal analiz yoluyla incelendiği çalışmada, iki yayın organındaki iddiaların, hem birbirleriyle oldukça benzer oldukları, hem de ABD'ye ilişkin olumsuz yargıların farklı kelimelerle ifadeleri olduğu görülmüştür. ; The distrust against USA in the Turkish public opinion, which has occured since 1960s has grown with the arms embargo by the USA after the Turkey's invasion of Cyprus. American military and economic support have always had a crucial importance for Turkish governments, and therefore all Turkish governments have feared to loose this support. For the American foreign policy, which is based on the principal of "interest maximization", there is no continuous concept of friendship or hostility. Turkey has realized this by painfull experiences especially when the USA applied because of the Cyprus invasion. These have caused some groups in Turkey to have unfavorable opinions/judgements about the USA. This study argues that the negative opinions on the USA in the Turkish press have been formed by the events and experiences, which have happened in Turkish and American relations throughout the history. Bearing this in mind, this study tries to show the way these opinions have been expressed during the general elections on 3 November 2002. The articles on Aydinlik, leftist weekly journal and Yeni Mesaj, conservative daily newspaper have been analyzed by macro-structural analysis. The opinions and claims about the USA on both publications, despite the different language and concepts they use, have similarities, which also overlap the negative opinions on the USA in Turkish history.

II. Dünya Savaşı sonrası uluslararası yapının daha önce karşılaşmadığı bir durum olan Soğuk Savaş küresel çapta her ülkenin iç ve dış politikasında etkili olmuştur. Dünya iki kutba ayrılmış, zafer kazanmak ve güvenliğini en üst düzeye çıkarmak adına ülkeler olağanüstü gayret sarf etmiştir. Zira Sanayi Devrimiyle beraber enerjiye olan ihtiyaç ortaya çıkarken bahsi geçen dönemde mücadele alanında en önemli unsurlardan biri haline gelmiştir. Buradan hareketle petrol konusunda dünya rezervlerinde en önemli ülke olan ancak kendine yetebilme konusunda başarısız Suudi Arabistan ve Batı'nın lideri konumunda bulunan hatta en ileri sanayi gücüne sahip olan ABD arasındaki ilişkilerin temelinde Soğuk Savaşın yaratmış olduğu güdüler yer almaktadır. Soğuk Savaşın başlamasıyla birlikte Ortadoğu da Soğuk Savaşın garabetinden payını almış ve çatışmalar yaşanmaya başlanmıştır. Suudi Arabistan'ın devlet yapısı ve sahip olduğu bu yapıdan dolayı uyguladığı dış politikaya karşılık ABD'nin SSCB'ye karşı petrol hâkimiyeti konusunda verdiği küresel mücadele tezin asıl çıkış noktasını oluşturmaktadır. Radikal hükümetlerin varlığı, SSCB'nin Ortadoğu'da nüfuz alanını 1947 yılından sonra genişletmesi gibi gelişmeler Suudi Arabistan'ı ABD'ye daha fazla yakınlaştırmış ve Suudi Arabistan petrolden elde ettiği gelirle savunma harcamalarını arttırmıştır. 1970'li yıllardan sonra Ortadoğu'da yaşanan çatışmalar dünyayı etkileyen bir dizi sonuç ortaya çıkarmış ve iki ülke ilişkilerini derinden etkileyerek ilişkilerin dönüşüm geçirmesine yol açmıştır. Bundan dolayı çalışmada; petrol krizi, askeri anlaşmalar, Arap-İsrail sorunu ayrıntılı bir şekilde ele alınmıştır. Bu konuda sistemik uluslararası politika teorisi çerçevesinde; iki ülkenin küresel ve bölgesel çapta konumları, güçleri, dış politik kabiliyetleri, ikili-çoklu ilişkilerdeki etkileri, iki ülke arasında yaşanan farklılıklarının teorik açıdan açıklaması ve temellendirmesi yapılmıştır. ; II. The Cold War, which is a situation that the international structure has not encountered before after World War II, has been effective in the domestic and foreign policies of every country on a global scale. The world is divided into two poles; Extraordinary efforts have been made to achieve victory and to maximize its security. Because, while the need for energy emerged with the Industrial Revolution, it became one of the most important factors in the field of struggle in the aforementioned period. From this point of view, the motives created by the Cold War lie at the basis of the relations between Saudi Arabia, which is the most important country in the world in oil reserves but fails to be self-sufficient, and the USA, which is the leader of the West and even has advanced industrial power. With the onset of the Cold War, the Middle East has taken its share from the fury of the Cold War and conflicts have begun to occur. The foreign policy applied by Saudi Arabia, which is included in the topic of the thesis, due to its state structure and its state structure, however, the global struggle of the USA against the USSR on the dominance of oil constitutes the main starting point of the thesis. The existence of radical governments, the expansion of the influence of the USSR in the Middle East after 1947 brought Saudi Arabia closer to the United States, and Saudi Arabia increased its defense spending with its oil income. After the 1970s, after the conflicts in the Middle East, a series of results have emerged that affect the world and have deeply affected the relations of the two countries, causing the relations to transform. The oil crisis, military agreements, the Arab-Israeli problem have been discussed in detail. While examining the systemic theory of international politics on this issue, the theoretical explanation and justification of the two countries' global and regional positions, powers, foreign policy abilities, their effects on bilateral-multiple relations, and the differences between the two countries has been made.