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Paper read at Conference held at the East African Institute of Social Research, Makerere College, January, 1954. ; On September 30th, 1888 the Imperial British East Africa Company received a Royal Charter from Lord Salisbury's Government. The Chairman was Sir William Mackinnon, already chairman of the British India Steam Navigation Company. At the end of 1886 the British and the Germans had made their first agreement partitioning East Africa. Germany had obtained the lion's share, but Great Britain gained control of Mombasa, the best harbour on the coast. By an exchange of notes in 1887 the British and German governments agreed to the so- called hinterland doctrine, whereby he who held a stretch of coastline had a pre-emptive right to the interior lying behind. By 1890 the scramble for the area of the Great Lakes was leading to a crisis, a crisis that might have created a Fashoda incident (when Peters and Jackson raced each other for Uganda) nine years before Fashoda. But diplomacy disposed of the problem, and by the Anglo-German Agreement of 1890 Germany recognised inter alia a British sphere of influence which included Buganda.

A qualitative study, investigating the representations and explanatory models of `madness' held by indigenous and religious healers, was undertaken in urban Uganda. Case vignettes of individuals with a diagnosis of a psychotic disorder were discussed by the healers in terms of phenomenology, causality, intervention and outcome. Indigenous healers primarily understood `madness' as spiritual or physiological, whereas religious healers also held psychological models. Healers' understandings of `madness' are inextricably linked with the historical and sociopolitical context and may be useful to individuals with psychotic experiences, however, it is likely that these models are dynamic and continually changing.

Abstract Background Equity in health care entails payment for health services according to the capacity to pay and the receipt of benefits according to need. In Uganda, as in many African countries, although equity is extolled in government policy documents, not much is known about who pays for, and who benefits from, health services. This paper assesses both equity in the financing and distribution of health care benefits in Uganda. Methods Data are drawn from the most recent nationally representative Uganda National Household Survey 2009/10. Equity in health financing is assessed considering the main domestic health financing sources (i.e., taxes and direct out-of-pocket payments). This is achieved using bar charts and standard concentration and Kakwani indices. Benefit incidence analysis is used to assess the distribution of health services for both public and non-public providers across socio-economic groups and the need for care. Need is assessed using limitations in functional ability while socioeconomic groups are created using per adult equivalent consumption expenditure. Results Overall, health financing in Uganda is marginally progressive; the rich pay more as a proportion of their income than the poor. The various taxes are more progressive than out-of-pocket payments (e.g., the Kakwani index of personal income tax is 0.195 compared with 0.064 for out-of-pocket payments). However, taxes are a much smaller proportion of total health sector financing compared with out-of-pocket payments. The distribution of total health sector services benefitsis pro-rich. The richest quintile receives 19.2% of total benefits compared to the 17.9% received by the poorest quintile. The rich also receive a much higher share of benefits relative to their need. Benefits from public health units are pro-poor while hospital based care, in both public and non-public sectors are pro-rich. Conclusion There is a renewed interest in ensuring equity in the financing and use of health services. Based on the results in this paper, it would seem that in order to safeguard such equity, there is a need for policy that focuses on addressing the health needs of the poor while continuing to ensure that the burden of financing health services does not rest disproportionately on the poor.

Background: Equity in health care entails payment for health services according to the capacity to pay and the receipt of benefits according to need. In Uganda, as in many African countries, although equity is extolled in government policy documents, not much is known about who pays for, and who benefits from, health services. This paper assesses both equity in the financing and distribution of health care benefits in Uganda. Methods: Data are drawn from the most recent nationally representative Uganda National Household Survey 2009/10. Equity in health financing is assessed considering the main domestic health financing sources (i.e., taxes and direct out-of-pocket payments). This is achieved using bar charts and standard concentration and Kakwani indices. Benefit incidence analysis is used to assess the distribution of health services for both public and non-public providers across socio-economic groups and the need for care. Need is assessed using limitations in functional ability while socioeconomic groups are created using per adult equivalent consumption expenditure. Results: Overall, health financing in Uganda is marginally progressive; the rich pay more as a proportion of their income than the poor. The various taxes are more progressive than out-of-pocket payments (e.g., the Kakwani index of personal income tax is 0.195 compared with 0.064 for out-of-pocket payments). However, taxes are a much smaller proportion of total health sector financing compared with out-of-pocket payments. The distribution of total health sector services benefitsis pro-rich. The richest quintile receives 19.2% of total benefits compared to the 17.9% received by the poorest quintile. The rich also receive a much higher share of benefits relative to their need. Benefits from public health units are pro-poor while hospital based care, in both public and non-public sectors are pro-rich. Conclusion: There is a renewed interest in ensuring equity in the financing and use of health services. Based on the results in this paper, it would seem that in order to safeguard such equity, there is a need for policy that focuses on addressing the health needs of the poor while continuing to ensure that the burden of financing health services does not rest disproportionately on the poor.

Obligations of global justice rest mainly on the global rich but also to a lesser extent on the global poor. The governments of poor countries are obliged to fulfill requirements of non-aggression, good governance and decency, along with all other requirements which facilitate the achievement of global justice. So far, obligations of poor countries seem to be taken as given yet the behavior of governments in poor countries and occurrences therein attest to the contrary;this suggests a need to mainstream these obligations in discussions about global justice. If poor countries do not live up to these requirements obstacles arise to the realization of global justice; and they act unjustly in relation to citizens of rich countries which provide them with aid. Uganda is taken as a case in point.

AbstractOne of the most universal patterns in the spatial distribution of poverty in developing countries is that the incidence of poverty is lower in urban areas than in rural areas. It is widely accepted, though less well documented, that remote rural areas tend to be poorer than areas with good market access. Furthermore, there is concern that remote rural areas may not benefit equally from economic growth. In this paper, we examine poverty trends in rural Uganda to test whether remote rural areas benefit from economic growth to the same degree as better connected rural areas. Applying a variant of small‐area estimation methods to household survey data and several Demographic and Health Surveys carried out over 10 years, we confirm that remote rural areas are poorer than better connected rural areas, but find no evidence that they have fallen further behind over this period.

This is a conference paper. ; The Lord Resistance Army lead a rebellion in Northern Uganda that resulted into displacement of 2.2 million people into Internally Displaced Peoples Camps. The insurgency which span for two decades created a serious humanitarian crisis, people lived in camps without adequate water and sanitation facilities. Hand pump boreholes as source of water was not sufficient and as an emergency response, Government and International Relief Agencies motorized the boreholes and water supplied through piped systems. With peace, people returned to their original homes leaving behind the piped water infrastructures. Government with support from Development Partners initiated Water and Sanitation Development Facility programme as a mechanism for funding water and sanitation investments in all small towns. Through this programme, the emergence systems in the former IDP camps are being resized, rehabilitated and constructed to match the current population and development process, people are sensitised and so far changes are being registered.