Search results

Rad se bavi analizom reakcija Ujedinjenih naroda na zločin terorizma u obliku inkriminacije terorizma u nizu konvencija prihvaćenih u krilu te organizacije, no još više u obliku moralnih, ali i pravnih sankcija sadržanih u političkim osudama neobvezujućih rezolucija Opće skupštine, posebice tijekom hladnog rata, kao i u obvezujućim sankcijskim rezolucijama Vijeća sigurnosti počevši od 90-ih godina prošlog stoljeća. Pritom rad upućuje na specifičan razvojni proces koji počinje sankcijama prema državama odgovornima za tzv. "državni terorizam", a u posljednjih 15-ak godina sankcije su se gotovo potpuno usmjerile prema terorističkim organizacijama kao nedržavnim akterima te su razvojem međunarodnoga kaznenog pravosuđa otvorile prostor i individualnoj međunarodnoj kaznenoj odgovornosti za taj zločin. ; This paper analyzes the United Nations' reactions to the international crime of terrorism. It focuses on counter-terrorism international conventions adopted within the UN, as well as on moral and political sanctions contained in non-binding resolutions of the General Assembly during the period of the so-called ˝Cold war˝. However, the main focus of this research is on the analysis of legally binding resolutions adopted by the Security Council starting from the 1990s. The analysis of the development of the Security Council's resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the UN Charter indicates that these resolutions, initially addressed to states responsible for the so- called ˝state terrorism˝, gradually became directed exclusively towards terrorist organizations as non-state actors. In this context, the ˝ISIL (Da'esh) and Al-Qaida Sanctions List˝ of the Security Council is being continuously expanded with names of individuals as well as of other non-state ˝entities and other groups˝ affected by these sanctions. Unfortunately, compared to the beginnig of 2015, when only 70 ˝entities and other groups˝ were listed, in March 2017 their number increased to over 360. These ˝entities and other groups˝, which originate from Tunisia, Mali, Albania, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Bangladesh, the Comoros, Pakistan, Indonesia, Somalia, Kenya, Tanzania, Arabian Peninsula, Libya, Sudan, Egypt, the Caucasus region, Uzbekistan, and even Bosnia and Herzegovina, differ in various ways. Some of the above mentioned ˝entities˝ aim at overthrowing the government of their country, just like ˝classical˝ insurgents as temporary subjects of international law. Other non-state actors' activities are directed towards establishing a new state (for example, Ansar Eddine, Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad – MNLA in Mali, Sudan People's Liberation Movement – SPLM in South Sudan). International crimes committed by these organizations are not only the object of the resolutions of the Security Council, but they are also in the focus of interest of the International Criminal Court (the ICC). Although the international crime of terrorism is not covered by the jurisdiction of the ICC under the Rome Statute, certain international crimes committed by terrorists or under the auspices of terrorist organizations share some common features with crimes against humanity, which fall under the jurisdiction of the ICC. Thus, the ICC indirectly contributes to the sanctioning for the crime of terrorism. Further evolution of the international criminal justice, both through the jurisprudence of the ICC and other ad hoc international and ˝hybrid˝ courts, will most certainly contribute to the development of international criminal liability of individuals for the crime of terrorism.

Autorica u radu daje pregled i analizu kaznenog zakonodavstva Republike Hrvatske u vezi s kriminalnim djelatnostima krijumčarenja ljudi i trgovanja ljudima. Upućuje na sličnosti i razlike između kaznenih djela protuzakonitog prebacivanja osoba preko državne granice odnosno protuzakonitog ulaženja, kretanja i boravka u RH, drugoj državi članici EU-a ili potpisnici Šengenskog sporazuma i trgovanja ljudima, uspoređujući i analizirajući pravne norme starog i novog Kaznenog zakona Republike Hrvatske, međunarodne dokumente te sudsku praksu. Ističe se nužnost što ranijeg prepoznavanja počinjenog kaznenog djela, naročito s aspekta žrtve. Skreće se pozornost na neujednačenost sudske prakse u pogledu pitanja koristoljublja kao bitnog elementa kaznenog djela, ali isto tako i na nepostojanje jasno definiranog pokušaja pri počinjenju kaznenog djela protuzakonitog ulaženja, kretanja i boravka u RH, drugoj državi članici EU-a ili potpisnici Šengenskog sporazuma. U radu se istražuje i analizira postojeće stanje u vezi s nezakonitim prelascima državne granice Republike Hrvatske na temelju dostupnih statističkih podataka. Učinjena je i analiza stanja de lege lata u sudskoj praksi u odnosu na prijavljene, optužene i osuđene osobe za krijumčarenje ljudi te, isto tako, posebno za trgovanje ljudima. Zaključno se daju prijedlozi i mjere de lege ferenda koje je nužno provesti u cilju suzbijanja krijumčarenja ljudi i trgovanja ljudima te što uspješnije borbe s ovom vrstom organiziranog kriminala. ; The author of the paper provides an overview and analysis of Croatian criminal legislation with regard to criminal activities of human smuggling and trafficking. She points out to the similarities and differences between the criminal acts of illegal transfer of persons across the state border or illegal entering, movement and residence in the Republic of Croatia, other EU Member States or signatories of the Schengen Agreement and human trafficking, comparing and analyzing the legal norms of the old and the new Criminal Code of the Republic of Croatia, international instruments and jurisprudence. Emphasized is the importance of early recognition of the criminal act, especially for the victims. Attention is drawn to the disparity of case law on matters of personal gain as an essential element of this criminal activity, but also to the absence of clearly defining the act of attempting illegal entering, movement and residence in the Republic of Croatia, other EU Member States or signatories of the Schengen Agreement. This paper investigates and analyzes the current situation regarding illegal crossing of state borders of the Republic of Croatia on the basis of available statistical data. Conducted was the analysis of the situation de lege lata in case law in relation to persons registered, accused and convicted of human smuggling and, also, especially for human trafficking. In conclusion, given are the proposals and measures de lege ferenda that need to be implemented in order to combat human smuggling and trafficking, and to successfully fight this type of organized crime.

Svrha je rada upozoriti na osobitu važnost suradnje država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem, napose u prostoru izvan područja suverenosti obalnih država. U radu se stoga objašnjava međunarodnopravni okvir za aktivnosti država u borbi protiv krijumčarenja migranata morem. Pritom je naglasak stavljen na jurisdikciju država za provođenje prisilnih mjera protiv brodova kojima se krijumčare migranti. Izlaganje polazi od općih pravila koja uređuju jurisdikciju država na otvorenom moru, a danas su kodificirana u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o pravu mora iz 1982. Potom je fokus usmjeren na posebna pravila u vezi s krijumčarenjem migranata na moru sadržanima u Protokolu protiv krijumčarenja migranata kopnom, morem i zrakom, prihvaćenu uz Konvenciju UN-a protiv transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminaliteta iz 2000., gdje je u čl. 7. Protokola podcrtana upravo dužnost suradnje država stranaka "na sprječavanju i suzbijanju krijumčarenja migranata morem, u skladu s međunarodnim pravom mora". Protokol protiv krijumčarenja migranata u svome članku 17., štoviše, potiče države ugovornice na "sklapanje dvostranih ili regionalnih sporazuma ili operativnih dogovora ili suglasnosti" radi njegove bolje implementacije. U tom su smislu prikazani i evaluirani oblici bilateralne i multilateralne regionalne suradnje država s naglaskom na Mediteran, uzimajući napose u obzir suradnju država članica Europske unije preko Agencije za europsku graničnu i obalnu stražu (Frontex). K tomu, dan je osvrt na Rezoluciju Vijeća sigurnosti UN-a br. 2240 (2015) koja državama članicama UN-a daje izvanredne jurisdikcijske ovlasti na otvorenom moru pred obalama Libije, a služi kao pravni temelj za djelovanje mornaričke operacije EU-a EUNAVFOR Med "Sophia" u okviru Zajedničke sigurnosne i obrambene politike. ; The aim of the paper is to highlight the particular importance of interstate cooperation in combating migrant smuggling by sea, notably in waters beyond the sovereignty of coastal states. In explaining the international legal framework for the activities of states in combating migrant smuggling by sea, emphasis is put on the jurisdiction of states to take enforcement measures against vessels that are engaged in migrant smuggling. First, the general rules concerning the jurisdiction of states on the high seas are discussed, which are codified today in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea of 1982. Thereafter, the focus is on the special rules regarding migrant smuggling by sea, as comprised in the Protocol against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air of 2000, supplementing the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime. Article 7 of the Protocol indeed emphasizes the duty of states parties to "cooperate to the fullest extent possible to prevent and suppress the smuggling of migrants by sea, in accordance with the international law of the sea." Article 17 of the Migrant Smuggling Protocol furthermore encourages states parties to "consider the conclusion of bilateral or regional agreements or operational arrangements or understandings" with a view to enhancing the Protocol's implementation. In that respect the paper examines and evaluates forms of bilateral and regional cooperation between states with an emphasis on the Mediterranean, and especially considers the cooperation between the member states of the European Union via the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In addition, the UN Security Council Resolution 2240 (2015) is analyzed, since it grants the UN member states exceptional jurisdictional powers on the high seas off the Libyan coast and serves as the legal basis for the activities of EUNAVOR Med Sophia, an EU naval operation in the framework of the Common Security and Defence Policy.

Protukomunističke gerile su naoružane skupine koje su se u poratnome razdoblju suprotstavljale novouspostavljenomu komunističkom režimu. Širokobriješka protukomunistička gerila bila je jedna od najbrojnijih u zapadnoj Hercegovini poslije Drugoga svjetskog rata, a vojno i politički organizirali su se u lipnju 1946. te utemeljili Prvi hercegovački ustaško-križarski zdrug pod zapovjedništvom ustaškoga satnika Bože Mandića. Politički cilj protukomunističke gerile bio je rušenje komunizma zbog zločina koje su partizani počinili nad Hrvatima i drugim narodima pred kraj Drugoga svjetskog rata i nakon njegova završetka. Komunistička partija Jugoslavije (KPJ) označila je navedenu gerilu kao prijetnju za proces uspostave vlasti. Pomoću represivnoga aparata KPJ organizirala je niz kaznenih ekspedicija s ciljem likvidiranja istih na prostoru zapadne Hercegovine. Protukomunistička gerila je u poraću, u borbi za život, u uvjetima stalnih sumnjičenja, izdaja i pogibija od strane tajne policije KPJ, počinila zločine najčešće prema narodnim odbornicima, njihovim obiteljima i članovima Saveza komunističke omladine Jugoslavije (SKOJ). Agenti UDBA-e u početku nisu imali uspjeha u likvidaciji protukomunističke gerile te je KPJ utemeljenjem dobrovoljačke milicije i angažiranja uhoda po selima organizirala niz kaznenih ekspedicija u kojima su agenti UDBA-e od 1946. do 1948. pobili većinu širokobriješke protukomunističke gerile. Preostale uhvaćene širokobriješke gerile osudili su na smrt strijeljanjem ili na višegodišnju robiju. ; Anti-communist guerrillas are armed groups who opposed the newly established Communist regime in the post-war period. Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla was one of the most numerous in West Herzegovina after the Second World War. They were organized militarily and politically in June 1946 and established the First Herzegovinian Ustasha Crusader Association under the command of Ustasha captain Božo Mandić. Political aim of the anti-communist guerrilla was destroying communism because of the crimes done by Partisans over Croats and other nations before the end of the Second World War and after its end. Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) labeled the mentioned guerrilla as a threat to the process of establishing authority. Using the repressive apparatus KPJ organized numerous punitive expeditions in order to eliminate mentioned guerrillas at the territory of West Herzegovina. Fighting for life in the post-war period, constantly suspected, betrayed and executed by the secret police of KPJ, anti-communist guerrilla committed crimes mostly against national councilors, their families and members of the Young Communist League of Yugoslavia (SKOJ). UDBA agents were not successful in eliminating the anti-communist guerrilla at the beginning. After establishment of Dubrovnik Militia and engaging spies in villages KPJ organized numerous expeditions from 1946 to 1948 in which UDBA agents killed majority of Široki Brijeg anti-communist guerrilla. Other captured members of the guerrilla were sentenced to death by firing squad or to multiannual imprisonment.

Konvencija o pristupu informacijama, sudjelovanju javnosti u odlučivanju i pristupu sudstvu o pitanjima okoliša – Aarhuška konvencija – međunarodni je pravni okvir na području zaštite okoliša. Ova konvencija, pokrenuta pod pokroviteljstvom UN-a, najambiciozniji je pothvat kada je riječ o zaštiti okoliša. Njezinim usvajanjem ujedno je učinjen golem korak u razvoju međunarodnoga prava. Prihvaćajući načela i formalno pristupajući Aarhuškoj konvenciji, države naše regije (Jugoistočna Europa) zorno pokazuju da prava na području okoliša nisu luksuz rezerviran samo za bogate. Ovim se dokumentom utvrđuju prava u svezi s okolišem te čine pouzdan temelj za uključivanje najšire javnosti u politike okoliša čime se potvrđuje i naša obveza prema budućim pokoljenjima. To je dokaz kako se održivi razvoj može postići jedino uključivanjem svih sudionika u društvu. Aarhuška konvencija poveznica je između odgovornosti tijela javne vlasti i zaštite okoliša, jer se sudjelovanjem javnosti povećava odgovornost i transparentnost pri donošenju odluka, kao i svijest javnosti o pitanjima okoliša, a osigurava se i podrška za donesene odluke. Učinkovitim sudjelovanjem javnosti promiču se načela suradnje i konzultacija između građana i donositelja odluka, čime se pridonosi općoj demokratizaciji društva. To je omogućeno provedbom Aarhuške konvencije koja uključuje: pristup informacijama, sudjelovanje javnosti pri donošenju odluka i pristup pravosuđu kada je riječ o okolišu. To su ujedno i tri glavna stupa Konvencije. Prije dvanaest godina tadašnji je glavni tajnik UN-a Kofi Annan opisao Konvenciju kao "najambiciozniji pothvat na području 'okolišne demokracije' dosad poduzet pod okriljem Ujedinjenih naroda". Možemo reći kako je taj opis vjerojatno i danas točan, iako je na području okolišne demokracije došlo i do drugih znatnih pomaka. ; Convention on access to information, public participation in decision making and access to justice in environmental matters – The Aarhus Convention – is an international legal framework in the area of the environment protection. This convention, initiated under the auspices of UN, is the most ambitious venture as far as environment protection is concerned. Its adoption made at the same time a huge step in the international law development. Accepting the principles and formally accessing to the Aarhus Convention, countries from our region (Southeast Europe) show that rights in the environment protection area are not the luxury reserved only for the rich ones. This document defines the rights in the environment area and makes the reliable foundation for involving the general public in the environment policies which confirms our commitment to future generations. That is a proof that sustainable development can be achieved only by involving all participants in the society. The Aarhus Convention is a link between the authorities' responsibilities and environment protection, because participation of the public increases responsibility and transparency in decision making, as well as consciousness of the public about environmental matters. It also provides support for the made decisions. Efficient participation of the public promotes cooperation principles and consultation between citizens and decision makers, which contributes to general society democratization. That is enabled by the Aarhus Convention implementation which includes: access to information, participation of the public in decision making and access to jurisdiction when speaking of environment. These are at the same time three main Convention pillars. Twelve years ago the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan described the Convention as "the most ambitious venture in environmental democracy undertaken under the auspices of the United Nations". We can say that the mentioned descriptionis probably correct even today, although there have been many other significant improvements in environmental democracy.

The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives ("One Belt, One Road") are of significance in enhancing China's open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by "One Belt, One Road" and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength. ; The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiatives ("One Belt, One Road") are of significance in enhancing China's open economy. This article explores the dual security challenges faced by the "One Belt, One Road" initiative. These challenges include both traditional security challenges, such as great power competition, territorial and island disputes, and political turmoil in the region, as well as non-traditional threats such as terrorism, piracy, and transnational organized crime. This article analyzes the present situation of security cooperation in the region covered by "One Belt, One Road" and also suggests that China needs to pay special attention to three issues, namely the supply of public security goods, the interests of the United States and Russia, and the pivot of Pakistan, besides developing its own strength.

Trgovina ljudima ili trafficking vrsta je transnacionalnog organiziranog kriminala koja je jako profitabilna i vrlo ju je teško iskorijeniti. Utječe na živote i sigurnost brojnih ljudi diljem svijeta, pa tako i građana Europske Unije. Ovaj rad bavi se trgovinom ljudima u svrhu prostitucije jer je seksualna eksploatacija prepoznata kao najčešći oblik eksploatacije žrtvi trafficking-a. Istražuje se relevantna legislacija o trgovini ljudima za EU, obuhvaćajući direktive Unije, konvencije Ujedinjenih naroda i Vijeća Europe te se daje pregled djelovanja FRONTEX-a i EUROPOL-a kao agencija Europske Unije koje djeluju u svrhu suzbijanja te pojave. Na kraju se sagledava tri modela zakonske regulacije prostitucije prisutne u tri države članice Unije: abolicionističke u Švedskoj, legalizacije u Nizozemskoj te prohibicionističke u Hrvatskoj. Cilj rada jest otkriti kako koji od tih modela utječe na vidljivost trgovine ljudima u svrhu prostitucije, na što je teško jasno odgovoriti zbog činjenice da je opseg ukupne trgovine ljudima nemoguće saznati zbog njenog ilegalnog karaktera i poteškoća u stvaranju konzistentne i kvalitetne zajedničke međunrodne baze podataka o ovoj pojavi. ; Trafficking in human beings is a highly profitable transnational organized crime activity that is difficult to eradicate. It makes an impact on the lives and safety of many people around the world, including the citizens of the European Union. This paper deals with trafficking in human beings for the purpose of prostitution because sexual exploitation is recognized as the most common form of exploitation of the victims of trafficking. This paper researches the relevant EU legislation on trafficking in human beings, including the EU Directives, the UN Convention and the Council of Europe Convention. It also reviews the work of FRONTEX and EUROPOL as European Union agencies acting to counteract phenomenon of trafficking. Finally, three models of legal regulation of prostitution which are present in three EU member states are being considered: ...

Međunarodni kazneni sud novo je međunarodno tijelo kojem je glavni cilj istraga i suđenje slučajeva genocida, ratnih zločina, te zločina protiv čovječnosti u zemljama članicama. Iako su Sjedinjene Američke Države u 2000. potpisale Rimski statut, međunarodnu povelju iz 1998. koja predstavlja osnovicu Međunarodnog kaznenog suda, Busheva vlada napravila je velik zaokret godinu dana kasnije, potpuno se ograđujući od svake ideje o suđenju Amerikancima izvan zemlje. Tekst analizira glavne argumente američke vanjske politike povezane s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom, od navodne pristranosti Suda, te odnosa između Suda i Ujedinjenih naroda, pa sve do pitanja američkog suvereniteta. Također, ponuđena je i međunarodnopravna politička kritika nedavnih poteza američke vlade, koji štete i američkim nacionalnim interesima, i međunarodnoj sigurnosti. ; The International Criminal Court is a new international body constituted with the aim of prosecuting and trying cases of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Although in 2000 the United States signed the 1998 Rome Statute, which is the foundation of the International Criminal Court, the Bush Administration took a radically different position the following year, protecting itself from any idea of trying American citizens abroad. This text analyses the main U.S. foreign policy arguments pertaining to the ICC, from the alleged impartiality of the Court and the relationship between the Court and the United Nations, to the question of American sovereignty. In addition, the text offers an international legal and political critique of the recent U.S. policy actions, which harmed both American national interests, as well as international security.

Pranje novca, kao jedan od najsofisticiranijih i najtežih oblika organizovanog kriminaliteta, je i međunarodni fenomen jer se odvija i prisutan je, kako u nacionalnim tako i međunarodnim razmjerama. Međunarodni karakter odvijanja pranja novca je jedan od efikasnijih metoda da se prikrije nezakonito porijeklo novca ili bilo kojeg oblika imovine koja je proistekla izvršenjem, uglavnom, teških krivičnih djela.Problematika pranja novca je prisutna u nacionalnim i međunarodnim razmjerama i značajno je izražena u onim društvima gdje perači novca nastoje da legaliziraju kriminalom zarađenu dobit i da tu dobit infiltriraju u privredu i finansijske tokove, s ciljem da kontrolišu određene ekonomske i političke procese. Pranje novca predstavlja međunarodni zločin, zbog čega je međunarodna zajednica odlučila uspostaviti međunarodne standarde, sa zahtjevom da te standarde prihvati što veći broj zemalja svijeta. S obzirom na velike probleme i razne poteškoće na koje nailazi u borbi protiv svih oblika organizovanog kriminaliteta, kroz akcije usmjerene na same izvršioce ovih krivičnih djela, međunarodna zajednica je odlučila da svoju pažnju usmjeri na drugi moment ove borbe: novac, tj. prihod koji nastaje izvršenjem krivičnih djela organizovanog kriminaliteta. Shodno tome, međunarodna zajednica je odlučila da pokuša da udari tamo gdje će kriminalcima nanijeti najveće posljedice, tako što je preduzela velike akcije protiv pranja novca.U borbi protiv pranja novca stvoreni su čitavi institucionalni aparati; zbog njega se pišu nove i nove konvencije, direktive, preporuke; zbog njega se mora često mijenjati krivično zakonodavstvo; zbog pranja novca prestala je postojati tajnost računa I podataka banaka. Ponekad se, u toj borbi žrtvuju i osnovna ljudska prava, jer se praktično vodi rat protiv pranja novca. Obim intervencija, strategija i međunarodnih sporazuma, razrađenih da bi se prekinuli lanci pranja novca, širokog su raspona i veoma usavršeni. Pranje novca je veoma veliki biznis, koji nije lako kontrolisati putem međunarodnih sporazuma. Naravno, sve je to potrebno i neophodno, a drugo je pitanje da li sve te mjere daju uvijek očekivane rezultate tj. da li to ima za rezultat adekvatan broj pravosnažno osuđujućih presuda i adekvatan iznos oduzete imovinske koristi.U tom smislu, u radu sam istražio i dao pregled samo najvažnijih i najrelevantnijih međunarodnih organizacija i institucija u borbi protiv pranja novca kao što su: Organizacija ujedinjenih nacija, Vijeće Evrope, Financial Action Task Force – FATF, Grupa Egmont, Evropska unija, Bazelski komitet za bankarske propise i kontrolu, Međunarodni monetarni fond i Svjetska banka, s napomenom da ću šire obraditi samo neke od njih koje smatram bitnim. --- Money laundering, as one of the most sophisticated and severe forms of organized crime, has a strong international component because it occurs not only within national borders, but goes far beyond. The transnational aspect of money laundering makes it easier to prevent the true source of funds and other property derived from serious criminal activity.Therefore, the problem of money laundering is both, a national as well as an international problem. It is very common in the countries where money launderers attempt to legalize the illegal proceeds and then transfer it into the stream of commerce and finance in order to control certain economic and political processes. Money laundering is an international crime leading the international community to establish common standards that countries around the world should adopt. Having in mind the great difficulties in fighting against organized crime using the traditional methods focused upon the perpetrators, the international community decided to shift its focus towards the other important component of money laundering – the proceeds derived from criminal activity. In that sense, the international community decided to strike where the consequences for money launderers are the most prominent – the money.The prevention of money laundering lead to creation of the whole new set of institutional apparatus; many conventions have been organized, and many articles, directives, recommendations, guidelines were created. The prevention of money laundering has lead to changes in criminal code legislation and dissolution of bank information secrecy. Sometimes, however, this war on money laundering sacrifices some basic human rights. The range of strategies, interventions and international agreements developed to prevent money laundering is broad and very sophisticated. Money laundering is a large business which is not easy to regulate by way of international agreements. Of course, while these agreements and strategies are necessary, the question about their effectiveness, however, still lingers in the background, especially considering the number of final criminal convictions and the amount of illegal proceeds forfeited.In that sense, I provided an overview of the most relevant and the most important international institutions whose job is the prevention of money laundering, namely the UN, Council of Europe, Financial Action Task Force –FATF, Egmont Group, European Union, The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision, The International Monetary Fund and World Bank. I would like to mention that I will cover in more detail only those organizations I find the most relevant.

Amosova knjiga u svojoj trodijelnoj strukturi ima i govore protiv stranih naroda i Izraela (1,3-2,16). Ti su govori obučeni u literarno ruho zasebnih kitica sa vrstom strukturom koju čini pet elemenata: uvodni poslanički obrazac, opće naviještanje neopozive odluke, posebno obrazloženje navođenjem zločina, prijetnja kaznom, zaključni poslanički obrazac. U takvoj strukturi osobita pozornost u ovome članku pridana je drugome elementu gdje se nalazi literarni oblik stupnjevite brojčane izreke koja se susreće i u mudrosnoj književnosti. Istraživanje je išlo u smjeru određivanja samoga pojma i mjesta gdje se taj pojam rabi u mudrosnoj književnosti i koja određena obilježja ima u tom kontekstu. Analizirane su dvije brojčane izreke i došlo se do zaključka da te izreke kroz ljudsko iskustvo ukazuju na iskrivljenost određenog međuljudskog ponašanja koje svoj vrhunac dobiva u zadnjem elementu brojčane izreke. Tek u naznaci spominje se rijetko Božje sankcioniranje takvih djela. Kod Amosa brojčane izreke imaju istu strukturu s time što ih je on pojednostavio i skratio da bi što više došla do izražaja emfaza u četvrtom elementu koji prorok označava kao pešaʿ (zločin), jednako za sve narode kao i za Izraela. Samu pak kiticu govora protiv Izraela stavlja opet kao emfazu na zadnje, osmo mjesto i time pokazuje da su zločini koje čini Izrael teži od onih koje čine drugi narodi jedni prema drugima, jer Izrael to čini svojim vlastitim sunarodnjacima. Izrael zapravo nije bolji od drugih naroda. Osim toga Bog uzima u zaštitu čovjeka i narode i kažnjava povrede protiv dostojanstva čovjeka i prava naroda. Autor ovoga članka je nastojao analizom uočiti važnost emfaze u brojčanim izrekama i prikazati njezinu funkciju u govoru protiv Izraela. ; In its tripartite structure, Amos's book contains also speeches against foreign nations and Israel (see 1:3 -2:16). These speeches are clothed in literary garments of mutually independent cadenzas characterized by a firm structure that consists of five elements: introductory epistolary form, the general proclamation of irrevocable decision, special explanation via indication of the crime, threat of punishment, concluding epistolary form. Within such a structure, this article will pay special attention to the second element, where one finds the literary form of the gradual numeral proverb that is also to be found in sapiential literature. The research for this article focused on the specification of the concept and place where that concept is used in sapiential literature and on specific characteristics that it has in that context. Two numeral proverbs have been analyzed and the conclusion has been reached that these proverbs appeal to human experience in order to point towards crookedness of specific interpersonal behavior that reaches its peak in the last element of a numeral proverb. God's sanctioning of such acts is mentioned only rarely and in traces. Amos's numeral proverbs maintain the same structure; the only difference being that he made them simpler and shorter in order to point out, even more, their emphasis in the fourth element, called pešaʿ (crime) by the prophet and applying equally to all nations, including Israel. The prophet puts the cadenza of the speech against Israel in the last, eighth place, thereby emphasizing it and showing that crimes of Israel are more serious than crimes of other nations against each other because Israel does such things against their own countrymen. Israel is, therefore, not any better than other nations. Apart from that, God protects human beings and nations and punishes transgressions against the human dignity and rights of nations. The author of this article tries to point out through analysis the importance of emphasis in numeral proverbs and to show its function in the speech against Israel.

Along with his own description & explanation of the concept of collective security the author adds other definitions of this concept. Thus, he shows how the collective security system was developed in the UN Charter & warns that the system cannot work unless certain conditions are met. The author explains why Croatian foreign policy is positive, in spite of its negative experience with the collective security system defined by the UN Charter. This policy argues its standpoint based on the experiences in aggression conducted against Croatia in a war that still continues. Adapted from the source document.

This paper analyses international response to the Croatian military operation Maslenica in January 1993. Based on media comments and reactions of key international mediators in the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, particularly the United Nations, France and Chairman of the International Conference on the Former Yugoslavia, it seeks to answer the question of what the reaction was, how in reality it was in accordance with the proclaimed policies and how it fit into the overall international policy towards the war in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper is based on the documents of the United Nations, the analysis of several newspapers and reports of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It situates behaviour of the main participants within the context of 'carrots and sticks' strategy. The Maslenica operation had shown that international community would not prevent military interventions against the self-declared Republic of Srpska Krajina by Croatian forces. It thus announced what subsequently happened in 1995 with the decisive Operation Storm. Adapted from the source document.

Switzerland's major contribution to the shaping of neutrality as an institution of international law lies in its centuries-old practice & its international recognition. However, Swiss neutrality still conforms to the classical military/political conflict, since in the past, it proved to be a successful security/political instrument in the protection of independence & territorial integrity. In the contemporary international/global constellation, there is almost no room for a neutral stance due to the global interdependence within the international community & the collective security, on the one hand, & the new threats & dangers lacking a classical military dimension, on the other. All this is conducive to the solidarity & cooperation whose purpose is protection, which requires international security/political efforts in securing peace. The Swiss government is of the opinion that participation in a collective security system such as the UN does not run counter to its permanent neutrality, since the UN Charter forbids war & does not recognize it as a means of the international regulation of conflicts. Also, the UN Charter does not oblige member countries to participate in any coercive military measure. Finally, by the admittance of the permanently neutral Austria into the UN, the practice has proved that neutrality & the collective security are compatible. On several occasions, the Swiss have raised the issue of UN membership; in the 1986 referendum, the Swiss citizens voted against this proposal, while on 3 Mar 2000, they voted in favor of it; the only other country besides Switzerland not in the UN is the Vatican. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Was Wesley Clark, NATO's commander-in-chief, right when he said that, instead of launching operation 'Allied Force' against it, the allies should have electronically isolated SR Yugoslavia? Yugoslav hackers & crackers used to good advantage the freedom of cyberspace. During NATO's intervention, they declared a real 'virtual war' to all the countries supportive of this campaign, particularly to the US. By swooping down by all available means on numerous official web pages of various American institutions & totally abusing the communicational freedoms on the Net, Yugoslav hackers in fact demonstrated a small part of the possibilities of the new e-force. However, the deleterious consequences of Yugoslav online users' activities were so harmful that they prodded the international community into issuing a blunt warning to the Serbian Telecom -- we shall switch you off from the Internet! The objective of this research is primarily to evidence a totally novel phenomenon on the Internet, the first organized virtual war taking place in cyberspace, at the time when a real military campaign was waged against SRY. One of the outcomes of these activities was 'striking out' the documents from the Net that had been preserved only in Mucalo & Svilicic's archive. There are no additional scientific resources, since the key sources for this article were the Internet & newspaper articles. Although envisaged as a medium available to all, the Internet must soon be safeguarded & protected by legal means. Otherwise, it might simply cave in under the onslaught of all abuses & innumerable viruses circulating the global cyberspace. Due to the increase in the number of users & services, it may be expected that soon a completely new branch of criminal law is to emerge -- computer crime. 2 Figures, 21 References. Adapted from the source document.