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In this open access publication, the social cohesion of urban neighborhoods and their residents is examined, which is often viewed as vulnerable since increased mobility, individualization, wider socio-economic and demographic changes have fundamentally altered the basis for everyday social interaction in urban neighborhoods. Anna Steigemann gives scholarly attention to the concrete places where neighborly interactions still take place and to how these interactions affect local community building. She illuminates and explores the ordinary everyday interactions and social practices in and around shops and gastronomic facilities on a shopping street in Berlin-Neukölln, revealing how these businesses are important places where community is practiced, but also why they are increasingly threatened by commercial and residential gentrification. Contents Social Life and Trade on a Metropolitan Shopping Street Sensitizing Theoretical Concepts and Social Practice Approach Ethnographic Research Design for the Study of Local Businesses The Social and Spatial Context of the Case Businesses Businesses as Third Places Store Owners on a Gentrifying Street: Public Characters that Offer "More" Target Groups Researchers and students in the fields of urban studies, urban sociology, geography, and planning Practitioners and decision-makers in the fields of urban-planning , urban and local economic development The Author Dr. Anna Steigemann is an Urban Sociologist and works as an Assistant Professor at the Chair of International Urbanism and Design at Technical University Berlin

This article examines the mobilisation of spatial media technologies for digitally mapping informal settlements. It argues that digital mapping operates politically through a re-configuration of circulation, power, and territorial formations. Drawing on Stuart Elden's understanding of territory, where space is 'rendered' as a political category, the coming together of digital mapping and the geoweb is uncovered as a political technique re-making territory through computational logics – operating as a calculative practice that, beyond simply representing space, is productive of the political spatiality that characterises territory. The article is based on an analysis of recent attempts by ICT corporates, particularly Google, to map favelas in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, critically examining the claim that digitally mapping informal settlements is a mechanism for socio-economic inclusion. Providing a counterargument to claims around the power of digital maps to incorporate favelas, provide recognition, legitimacy, visibility and citizenship, we discuss how in the interface between digital and urban worlds, territory as a political space is constructed through economic incorporation. In doing so, the article unpacks the spatial politics of digital and smart urbanisms and the emerging sovereignties of digital territories, particularly in the context of the tension between inclusion and exclusion experienced by those who live in informal settlements in cities in the global South.

With an approach to critical geography, cultural studies, politics and urbanism, this article proposes to explore the question of urban spaces represented in two films directed by Juan José Campanella: Luna de Avellaneda [Moon of Avellaneda] (2004) and Metegol [Underdogs] (2013). Consideration is paid to the films' production context and their consumption, the recurrence of certain "guiding fictions" (Shumway, 1993), the construction of their imaginary limits, and the relationships that the characters have with them. It concludes that both films project long-standing symbolic reconstructions of their society, while exhibiting its unresolved struggles and debating a sense of community belonging. ; Tomando como referencia herramientas de la geografía crítica, los estudios culturales, de política y de urbanismo, este artículo propone explorar la cuestión de los espacios urbanos representados en dos productos fílmicos de Juan José Campanella: Luna de Avellaneda (2004) y Metegol (2013). Se presta especial atención al contexto de producción de las películas y se analizan también la recurrencia de ciertas "ficciones orientadoras" (Shumway, 1993), la construcción de sus límites imaginarios y las relaciones que los personajes tienen con ellos. Se concluye que ambas películas proyectan reconstrucciones simbólicas de larga data sobre su sociedad, al tiempo que exhiben sus luchas irresueltas y debaten un sentido de pertenencia comunitario.

Starting from a previous experience carried out by the working group "Building and Environmental Hygiene" of the Italian Society of Hygiene and Preventive Medicine (SItI), the aim of the present work is to define new strategic goals for achieving a "Healthy and Salutogenic City", which will be useful to designers, local governments and public bodies, policy makers, and all professionals working at local health agencies. Ten key points have been formulated: 1. climate change and management of adverse weather events ; 2. land consumption, sprawl, and shrinking cities ; 3. tactical urbanism and urban resilience ; 4. urban comfort, safety, and security perception ; 5. strengths and weaknesses of urban green areas and infrastructures ; 6. urban solid waste management ; 7. housing emergencies in relation to socio-economic and environmental changes ; 8. energy aspects and environmental planning at an urban scale ; 9. socio-assistance and welfare network at an urban scale: importance of a rational and widespread system ; and 10. new forms of living, conscious of coparticipation models and aware of sharing quality objectives. Design strategies, actions, and policies, identified to improve public health and wellbeing, underline that the connection between morphological and functional features of urban context and public health is crucial for contemporary cities and modern societies.

Starting from a previous experience carried out by the working group "Building and Environmental Hygiene" of the Italian Society of Hygiene and Preventive Medicine (SItI), the aim of the present work is to define new strategic goals for achieving a "Healthy and Salutogenic City", which will be useful to designers, local governments and public bodies, policy makers, and all professionals working at local health agencies. Ten key points have been formulated: 1. climate change and management of adverse weather events; 2. land consumption, sprawl, and shrinking cities; 3. tactical urbanism and urban resilience; 4. urban comfort, safety, and security perception; 5. strengths and weaknesses of urban green areas and infrastructures; 6. urban solid waste management; 7. housing emergencies in relation to socio-economic and environmental changes; 8. energy aspects and environmental planning at an urban scale; 9. socio-assistance and welfare network at an urban scale: importance of a rational and widespread system; and 10. new forms of living, conscious of coparticipation models and aware of sharing quality objectives. Design strategies, actions, and policies, identified to improve public health and wellbeing, underline that the connection between morphological and functional features of urban context and public health is crucial for contemporary cities and modern societies.

The epistemologies and politics of comparative research are prominently debated within urban studies, with 'comparative urbanism' emerging as a contemporary lexicon of urban studies. The study of urban gentrification has, after some delay, come to engage with these debates, which can be seen to pose a major challenge to the very concept of gentrification. To date, similar debates or developments have not unfolded within the study of rural gentrification. This article seeks to address some of the challenges posed to gentrification studies through an examination of strategies of comparison and how they might be employed within a comparative study of rural gentrification. Drawing on Tilly (Big structures Large Processes Huge Comparisons. New York: Russell Sage), examples of four 'strategies of comparison' are identified within studies of urban and rural gentrification, before the paper explores how 'geographies of the concept' and 'geographies of the phenomenon' of rural gentrification in the United Kingdom, United States and France may be investigated using Latour's (Pandora's Hope. London: Harvard University Press) notion of 'circulatory sociologies of translation'. The aim of our comparative discussion is to open up dialogues on the challenges of comparative studies that employ conceptions of gentrification and also to promote reflections of the metrocentricity of recent discussions of comparative research.

Starting from a previous experience carried out by the working group "Building and Environmental Hygiene" of the Italian Society of Hygiene and Preventive Medicine (SItI), the aim of the present work is to define new strategic goals for achieving a "Healthy and Salutogenic City", which will be useful to designers, local governments and public bodies, policy makers, and all professionals working at local health agencies. Ten key points have been formulated: 1. climate change and management of adverse weather events; 2. land consumption, sprawl, and shrinking cities; 3. tactical urbanism and urban resilience; 4. urban comfort, safety, and security perception; 5. strengths and weaknesses of urban green areas and infrastructures; 6. urban solid waste management; 7. housing emergencies in relation to socio-economic and environmental changes; 8. energy aspects and environmental planning at an urban scale; 9. socio-assistance and welfare network at an urban scale: importance of a rational and widespread system; and 10. new forms of living, conscious of coparticipation models and aware of sharing quality objectives. Design strategies, actions, and policies, identified to improve public health and wellbeing, underline that the connection between morphological and functional features of urban context and public health is crucial for contemporary cities and modern societies.

By 2050, half the world's population will live in cities — Ancient Proverb You have, surely, seen or heard the above statement before—in newspaper articles, possibly, or government documents; perhaps as wall-text at an art exhibition; perhaps whispered into your ear by an anonymous commuter. Words summon action. Describing a near-future in which half of the global populace will inevitably—definitely!—live in cities is not a value-neutral offering but an invocation to act. This proverb drives policy development for the United Nations, forms the opening gambit of a great many foresight reports and acts as the backbone of the property development industry. It is a compelling pitch for businesses and govern- ments looking to shore up certainty in an age of instability and volatility, framing half the world's population as a captive audience for policy, surveillance and sales. Positioning the city as the nexus of mass human experience for the foreseeable future sets up a land-grab for who gets to define what these cities will look like. And what is being imagined often seems to be terribly similar, both in terms of what these cities look like, how they are controlled and what forms of technological systems will thread through them. It is these apparently inescapable future-metropolitan visions that critical approaches to design, architecture and urbanism seek to challenge.

Starting from a previous experience carried out by the working group "Building and Environmental Hygiene" of the Italian Society of Hygiene and Preventive Medicine (SItI), the aim of the present work is to define new strategic goals for achieving a "Healthy and Salutogenic City", which will be useful to designers, local governments and public bodies, policy makers, and all professionals working at local health agencies. Ten key points have been formulated: 1. climate change and management of adverse weather events; 2. land consumption, sprawl, and shrinking cities; 3. tactical urbanism and urban resilience; 4. urban comfort, safety, and security perception; 5. strengths and weaknesses of urban green areas and infrastructures; 6. urban solid waste management; 7. housing emergencies in relation to socio-economic and environmental changes; 8. energy aspects and environmental planning at an urban scale; 9. socio-assistance and welfare network at an urban scale: importance of a rational and widespread system; and 10. new forms of living, conscious of coparticipation models and aware of sharing quality objectives. Design strategies, actions, and policies, identified to improve public health and wellbeing, underline that the connection between morphological and functional features of urban context and public health is crucial for contemporary cities and modern societies.

AbstractThis paper examines an urban regeneration project in the Changsin-Sungin Area (CSA), Seoul, by drawing on the current debates on post-political urban policy. Adjacent to Dongdaemun Fashion Market (DFM), the K-fashion hub, the CSA is known for the clustered sewing factories embedded in residential housing. In 2014, the CSA was selected as a test-bed for the implementation of the new policy called the Urban Regeneration Programme (URP). This new scheme is publicly funded seeking continuity and civic participation in urban regeneration. The CSA-URP contrasts with previous schemes in Korea, in which private developers, with state support, were the main drivers of massive demolition and reconstruction. In order to promote participation, the city government has created an intermediary for public–private partnership and adopted the public contest for the distribution of resources. Significantly, this new model has shifted its focus of regeneration from housing to public space, from entitlement to participation, and from proprietorship to cultural capital. This has also raised new queries about whether the new model effectively promotes residents' bottom-up participation or manages consensual atmosphere. By contemplating Seoul's latest urban regeneration experience, this paper examines whether the CSA-URP offers corrective forces to capital-led and top-down urbanization or it depoliticizes the political. Thereby, the paper aims to contribute to the critical understanding of post-political urbanism.

This article examines noise as composing an atmospheric that is at once sensed and made sensible. Itself atmospheric, environmental noise amplifies ways of thinking and sensing the atmospheric: as a logics of indeterminacy, as a physicality of the ephemeral, and as an entanglement of air-body-matter. Drawing principally on material related to the politics of noise around Los Angeles International Airport from the 1960s to the present, this article takes up three episodes in which figurations of the atmospheric have been shaped by and cohere in and through noise. At the dawn of the jet age, civic mobilizations against airport noise revealed jurisdictional gaps between airspace and ground; noise, in providing the basis for airspace territory and property, produces the atmospheric as space. By the end of the 1960s the category of noise pollution was established as a legal and social norm. In this context annoyance—noise pollution's unstable ground—serves as an affective and corporeal register of the permeability of bodies and buildings, a crucial dimension of the atmospheric. And lastly, edge spaces of infrastructure reflect the interplay between sounds from the sky and sensation, an indefinite urbanism. John Divola's photo series Los Angeles International Airport Noise Abatement Zone (LAX NAZ) of homes in the flight path slated for demolition visualize the atmospheric quality of this process.

La ville contribue à la santé des personnes par l'offre de soins qu'elle propose et la manière dont elle rend ses services accessibles. Pour les malades chroniques, la ville apparaît ainsi comme un ensemble de ressources mobilisables pour faire face à leur maladie et se soigner. Cet article analyse conjointement les deux facettes de la rencontre entre services de soins et malades chroniques. Sont d'abord caractérisés les mécanismes de circulation qui sont induits par l'organisation professionnelle des soins et la distribution territoriale des services de santé (hospitalo-centrisme, intégration des soins, hôpital de jour en centre-ville, diversité et abondance des services). Ensuite, l'article analyse les pratiques de circulation des patients entre les prestataires à l'aide d'une typologie de leurs potentiels de mobilité dans les soins. Le croisement des deux aspects (mécanismes et pratiques de circulation) met en évidence les spécificités de l'offre urbaine de soins tout en en soulignant les inégalités d'accès. La discussion examine la manière dont des politiques urbaines (logement, urbanisme, transport, aide sociale), peuvent compenser les effets pernicieux de la territorialisation et de l'intégration des services et favoriser le recours aux soins. Les résultats présentés sont issus d'une analyse qualitative d'entretiens menés auprès de professionnels psycho-médico-sociaux et de personnes vivant avec le VIH/sida à Bruxelles et à Rouen.

AbstractThis article engages in the debate on urban contentious politics by returning to the Tunisian revolution. In the article, I chart movements provoked by neoliberal restructurings, and show how these ultimately came together to form a mass movement demanding radical political change. I first describe the socio‐spatial roots of the Tunisian revolution to understand its dynamics. Based on the chronology of the unfolding events I sketch the classes, social groups and movements that coalesced against authoritarian rule in early 2011. Although the Tunisian revolution started in rural environments, I focus more specifically on the role of urban social movements in the uprising to link questions of urbanism to what were clearly national revolts. Secondly, I outline the scope of neoliberal reforms in Tunisia by looking at the impact of these reforms to chart the resulting emergence of contentious politics in response to the increasing violence that characterized all levels of economic life during this period. I also consider the resulting uneven development and the changing relations between the state and the different social classes. This enables me to reflect on the politicization of the city with the aim of opening up new opportunities for engaging with a more comparative and cosmopolitan theory about cities around the world.

Spectacle 2.0 recasts Debord's theory of spectacle within the frame of 21st century digital capitalism. It offers a reassessment of Debord's original notion of Spectacle from the late 1960s, of its posterior revisitation in the 1990s, and it presents a reinterpretation of the concept within the scenario of contemporary informational capitalism and more specifically of digital and media labour. It is argued that the Spectacle 2.0 form operates as the interactive network that links through one singular (but contradictory) language and various imaginaries, uniting diverse productive contexts such as logistics, finance, new media and urbanism. Spectacle 2.0 thus colonizes most spheres of social life by processes of commodification, exploitation and reification. Diverse contributors consider the topic within the book's two main sections: Part I conceptualizes and historicizes the Spectacle in the context of informational capitalism; contributions in Part II offer empirical cases that historicise the Spectacle in relation to the present (and recent past) showing how a Spectacle 2.0 approach can illuminate and deconstruct specific aspects of contemporary social reality. All contributions included in this book rework the category of the Spectacle to present a stimulating compendium of theoretical critical literature in the fields of media and labour studies. In the era of the gig-economy, highly mediated content and President Trump, Debord's concept is arguably more relevant than ever.

The present contribution concerns itself with this key question: Under what conditions and in what form can European music be transferred to and appropriated by another place, and what are the consequences that follow from this kind of transfer and appropriation in particular societies situated outside of Europe? A consideration of Korean society from the end of the 19th century up until the 1980s will serve here as the object of research. By this example it can be clearly shown that the transfer and appropriation of European music is to be understood as a result of complex historical processes, ones unfolding due to the Christian missionary movement, the establishment of a new educational system, the experiences under Japanese colonial rule, the coming into contact with industrialization and capitalist economics, technical achievements, the migration experience, as well as to urbanism and new, internationally dispersed knowledge and discourse contents - such as civilization, progressivism, nation, tradition, and the like. The chosen example demonstrates also how imported European music was in its new locale not simply just transferred in and received; rather, it was incorporated into one's own culture. Its existence illustrates the growing tendency in musical practice for the boundary between imported "European" and traditional "domestic" music to shift over time, and for both types of music to become entangled with each other. (Asien/GIGA)