In this article the author attempts to analyse the power relationships in the Yugoslav society, in post-war historical perspective of development. He is using the difference between power and meta-power as the conceptual framework. The whole development can be demonstrated as the creation of a system by actors who have meta-power and who want to negate their own meta-power by development of self-management. However, the spontaneous developments lead to such social structuring which challenges the established structure of meta^power. The dilemma with which those having meta-power are faced is whether to intervene into the development of the system and thus »come to surface« as the one having meta-power, or leave the development to remain spontaneous and in such a manner endanger their meta-power. Particular attention has been paid to the relationship between an enterprise and the political system as that sphere of the social system where the processes described in this article are shown with great clarity.
Considering the System theory the author conceives the Yugoslav enterprise to be an open system. Moreover critically taking into consideration all the various definitions for the purpose of operationalization he defines the environment as a communicative influential domain, integrating in this way the theory of the environment and of the organization. Accepting the phenomenological hypothesis and considering the actual influence as equaling the perceptional one — the influence has been investigated, with a help of some innovations, by means of the graph of control on the top management in 55 industrial organizations. The difference between the external and internal, passive and active influences has been distinguished. Internal influence is the one within and the external is the one outside the relevant enterprise; passive is the one to which the respondent is subjected by other members of the organization and active is the one which is exercised by the respondent on other members of the organization. According to the indexes got in this way the enterprises seem to be influenced by the examined factors of the environment to a larger extant than vice versa. The grouping of the bodies of the environment has shown the dominant status of the bank and the trade organizations in their relation to the industrial enterprises. Still that environment is not very much like the system that was typical of eighteenth century liberal capitalism although it might appear so. Considering the system of the country itself we seem to be speaking of the seemingly liberal environment with the state itself appearing indirectly through the banks. The results seem to be confirmed and even more differentiated by the factor analysis. Regarding the internal influence it should be pointed out that the influence of the top management on the organizational groups in the enterprises is almost equal to the amount of the influence exercised on the top management by the organizational groups. Generally, the internal organizational relationships of influence are more intensive and more balanced. We can assume that the social relations between the organizational groups within the enterprises are more socialized and more integrated than the relations between the enterprises and their environment. Top management in an enterprise has a marginal relation towards the political representatives, a central relation towards the professionals and self-managing bodies and a firm-hierarchical-superordination-and-superordination-relation towards managerial groups. The analysis of the correlations has shown that the active and passive external influences make up a united system of power — if viewed from the standpoint of the top management. That does not mean that the top management are exposed to the system of total control because there is also a united system of influence, which is exercised by the top management on the bodies outside the enterprise. In the same way the uncontrolled power does not appear either in the influence of the top management on the organizational groups within the enterprise. So we claim the existence of only two integrated subsystems of the active and passive influences. The increasing influence of the top management on the environment and the organizational groups leads to the reverse influence, that is, the increasing influence of the environment and organizational groups on the top management, exhibiting thus clearly the logic of the reciprocal influence. The author has found out a considerably different influence of the environment within the work organizations than he expected. He expected the influence of the administrative-political environment to lessen the internal active influence of the top management, and the influence of the business professional environment to increase the internal active and passive influences of the top management, and the influence of the trade organizations to increase the active internal influence of the top management. He has found out that the redistribution of power within the work organizations is not influenced by the administrative political environment, and that the influence of the top management within the enterprise is even diminished by the trade-organizations. Moreover, though in a system of external- -internal power-relations the self-managerial bodies and political organizations are not reduced to being merely marginal factors, the backbone of the whole system of the external-internal power-relations still makes the influence of the top management on the leading organizational groups and the influence of the business organizations on the enterprises. That means that the business circle from other enterprises exercises a considerable influence on the internal status of the top management within individual enterprises, and thus on the interactions between the other managerial groups as well. This circulus vitiosus of power is uncontrolled and spontaneous product of the division of labor at the macro-level of the whole society and also at the micro-level of the work-organizations because it makes possible an intensive reciprocal influence between the external and internal managerial groups. This proves the functional autonomization of the management which will be sustained spontaneously up the time when a functionally adequate, and not only politically adequate redistribution of managerial function will be varied out.
The first part of the article deals with the renewal of old and establishement of new associations in Šibenik and its district during the period betwen the two world wars. The associations are astablished by the pro-government elements of the society in order to be able to realize the goals of the state policy as defined by the »Vidovdan« Constitution. The opposition parties of the burgeois society established their own associations intended to reach the goals set by the programe of their political or cultural activities. The oppositional forces and particularly the HSS (Croatian Peasants' Party) developed a great activity in the founding of new associations after 1935. The activity of various associations was forbidden by the dictatorial government of January 6th, 1929, while others were required to engage themselves more intensively in the realization of the unitarian-centralistic conception of state The »Jugoslavenski Sokol«, »Jadranska Straža«, etc.) The second part of the article contains various data referring to associations ordered in the following way; (a) Yugoslav, (b) Croatian, (c) Serbian, (d) Religious, (e) the remaining ones (trade unions, cultural, humanitarian, and sports association. Then follows a general survey of the activity of each of the associations, a description of their activities and the occasions on which they took place. Numerous associations developed their most important annual activity in connection with the celebration of same national, religious and similar holidays. The activities of some associations is illustrated by interesting data (»Kolo«, the Yugoslav workers' Sports Club »Šibenik«, branch organizations of the »Seljačka Sloga«). Some documents and observations are presented in the third part of the article, showing that some of the associations were influenced by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. This applies to »Vodička Glazba«, to the »Seljačka Sloga« branch organization at Zaton, the JRSD »Šibenik«, the Jugoslavenski Akademski Klub, as well as to the academic clubs »Matija Gubec«, and »Stjepan Radić«. Taking into account the fact that a maximum number of activists and combatants in the People's Liberation War came from the Šibenik region, the author concludes that the above mentioned associations and similar organizations, particularly on the Adriatic islands, were real hotbeds of ideas and viewpoints of the Communist Parties of Yugoslavia and of Croatia.
Višestruke krizne pojave u jugoslavenskom društvu zahvatile su i međunacionalne odnose i utječu na jačanje »regresivnih nacionalizma«. Polazeći od pretpostavke da jedan oblik »regresivnog nacionalizma« (partikularizam) izaziva reakciju drugog (unitarizam), autor opširno analizira rezultate istraživanja slovenskog javnog mnijenja 1982. godine povodom događaja na Kosovu, kako se ti događaji reflektiraju na etničku distancu u Sloveniji, stavove i informiranost o međunacionalnim odnosima. Oslanjajući se na te rezultate i na opservacije drugih autora o jugoslavenskoj krizi, autor zaključuje da je potrebno jačati netradicionalne mehanizme integracije; reorganizirati zatvorene i neadaptivne ekonomske sisteme bez konkurentskih sposobnosti, provesti složenu operacionalizaciju samoupravnih načela i integracijsku ulogu SK što više razvijati mimo administrativne sile. ; Multi-fold crises in the Yugoslav society have encompassed inter-ethnic relations and they have an impact on the strengthening of »regressive nationalisms«. Starting from the assumption of a form of »regressive nationalism« (particularism) provoking the reaction in the form of another (unitarism), the author attempts a detailed analysis of the results of public opinion survey in Slovenia of 1982 with respect to the events in Kosovo, emphasizing the reflection of those events on the ethnical distance in Slovenia, on attitudes and information with respect to inter-ethnic relations. On the basis of those results and observations of other authors in relation to the Yugoslav crisis, the author concludes that non-traditional mechanisms of integration have to be strengthened; closed and inadaptive economic systems :— having no competitive abilities — have to be reorganized; the complex operationalization of the self-management principles yet has to be implemented and the integrative role of the League of Communists has to be developed exempt from administrative powers.
