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Report on the 4th Seminar on Public Policy: Polish Historical, Educational and Scientific Policy. Organizer: Collegium of Economics and Social Sciences, Warsaw School of Economics, May 29, 2015.

The following discussion took place in September 2018 at the Warsaw School of Economics. It focused on both senior politics, experts, and analysts. The discussion was moderated and planned by Andrzej Klimczuk, associated with the Warsaw School of Economics, and invited to the discussion: Barbara Szatur-Jaworska, social politician and gerontologist from the University of Warsaw, Paweł Kubicki, economist, Warsaw School of Economics, Marek Niezabitowski, sociologist from the Silesian University of Technology, Ryszard Majer, social politician , Agnieszka Cieśla, architect and urban planner, Warsaw University of Technology, Marzena Rudnicka, founder and president of the National Institute of Senior Management (biographical notes at the end of the debate). Panelists during the discussion analyzed the following issues: I. Beginnings of the senior policy, its definition, strategic documents of the state, II. The role of local governments in animating activities within the framework of senior policy and non-governmental organizations, III. Creation and role of the law on seniors, IV. Diversification of the environment of seniors, V. Activities in other countries within the framework of the senior policy, VI. Changes in social awareness, the evolution of attitudes towards older people, old age, ageing, VII. The market for products and services for seniors, VIII. Seniors' activity, formal and informal, activity infrastructure, IX. Housing for older people and ageing population X. The role of the state and self-government in the senior policy, dialogue with the authorities, public-private partnership, XI. Challenges and directions of development of the senior policy, XII. The deficit of care services, XIII. Senior and pension policy, XIV. Convergence and divergence in the senior policy.

Podstawowym założeniem artykułu jest uznanie, że złożoność wyzwań związanych ze starzeniem się populacji wymusza rozwój powiązań kooperacyjnych między podmiotami polityki publicznej reprezentującymi różne sektory. Innymi słowy: niezbędna jest bardziej intensywna i lepiej skoordynowana współpraca między organizacjami sektora publicznego, komercyjnego, pozarządowego, nieformalnego oraz sektora obejmującego podmioty gospodarki społecznej (np. spółdzielnie). Zasadnicze znaczenie ma w tym kontekście wdrażanie założeń teorii współzarządzania (governance), koprodukcji oraz mieszanej gospodarki dobrobytu (inaczej: wielosektorowej polityki społecznej). W konsekwencji artykuł wskazuje na wybrane wątki dyskursu dotyczącego relacji procesu starzenia się ludności z przedsiębiorczością społeczną i innowacjami społecznymi. Tekst przytacza także przykłady dobrych praktyk i inicjatyw z obszaru gospodarki społecznej. Podsumowanie zawiera rekomendacje dla podmiotów polityki publicznej oraz proponowane kierunki dalszych badań.

The purpose of this article is to provide a detailed overview of the essential measures and regulations implemented by the European Union within the framework of its public policy on cybersecurity and make a comprehensive comparative analysis of the cybersecurity capabilities in E. U. Member States and their national strategies in this area. This article highlights multiple issues that should be the center of attention in regard to public policy on cybersecurity, which made it possible to evaluate the compliance of the existing 104 Zbigniew Chmielewski Studia z Polityki Publicznej regulations passed by the E. U. policy makers and the way it was approached. Based on the 2015 Software Alliance (BSA) survey and other available sources an analysis was made to evaluate the readiness of E. U. Member States to ensure security in cyberspace. Special attention was paid to "The Assumptions of Cybersecurity Strategy of the Republic of Poland", developed by the Ministry of Digitisation and published in February 2016.

Organized crime did not arise suddenly, it is an occurrence that dates back to the nineteenth century. Its modern form is characterized by exceptional diversity both in terms of goods threatened by its impact, as well as the forms in which it manifests itself. The main area of threats are drug production and trafficking. It is a global problem and the links of organized crime groups cover the whole world, regardless of the system, political or economic situation of a given country. The international drug crime has been developed too rapidly and individual governments are not abble to cope with it. Countries have been confronted with joining forces and creating a strong legal instrument, based on international cooperation, which will be able to give the relevant national authorities the right powers to counter organized drug crime. The aim of the article is to present the legislative and institutional dimension of the fight against organized drug crime in the global, european and national perspective.

The paper analyses instruments used for implementation of public policy. Broad background, including descriptions of debates in scientific literature on certain instruments, typologies of instruments, as well as factors that influence the choice of instruments, has been provided. The second part of the paper focuses on the relation between policy design in Poland and the structure of public policy instruments. Policy design in Poland favours "hard" instruments of public policy at the expense of catalytic instruments which could have been used to great extend to solve complex policy problems.

The Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 divided the Greek society into allies of the monarchy and supporters of the Communist Party of the Greece-led Transitional Democratic Government of Free Greece. The military arm of the leftist center was the Democratic Army of Greece. Until some time, the communist forces were actively supported by the countries of the Eastern Bloc: Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Romania. However, the Stalin-Tito conflict, which intensified from 1948 onwards, contributed to the defeat of the Democratic Army of Greece, caused by the overwhelming military advantage of the monarchist forces. In mid-1949, a decision was made to evacuate partisan units and the civilian population that had been under their control to Albania. Also, Poland, a country that suffered greatly as a result of World War II, helped Greece. First, by providing food, military and medical equipment, and later by accepting over 13,000 children and adults, fighters and civilians from the areas covered by the war, all terribly tired of war and wandering. The group of migrants was organized from scratch, provided medical and social care, work, education, and access to culture. Migrations of people in search of shelter from conflicts, persecution, and poverty are not only a contemporary problem of the European Union. This article presents the reforms initiated by the government of the Polish People's Republic as a result of the escalation of the crisis in the Balkans. In Poland refugees from Greece found completely new living, civilization, cultural, geographical, and economic conditions. Gradually, they managed to settle in this foreign country. Today many of them are grateful to Poland for their help.

This paper aims to present different approaches to the analysis of public policies on ageing. The study contains short descriptions of selected theories on formulating and implementing responses to challenges related to the issues and problems relevant to older people and ageing people. The paper discusses selected concepts such as politicization of ageing, public policy on ageing and the politics of ageing. In the further part of the work, an attempt was made to discuss the framework of the stages of the public policy design cycle and codesign as well as selected public policy theories associated with the population ageing that were divided into deductive and inductive approaches and broken down into levels of social system analysis (micro, meso and macro). The summary presents proposals for further research directions.

The goal of this article is to show the role of the production sector in the economy of Latvia. The authors carried out the comparative analysis of the implementation of the production policy in the Baltic States. The methodology assumes the system approach to problem solving, providing unity of the following qualitative and quantitative methods: Monographic document analysis method (makes it possible to carry out a detailed study based on the extensive scientific literature review and law); Statistical research method. The authors of the article also used the cross correlation analysis (correlation analysis, regression analysis) to study the concept of production policy, its objectives and types, as well as pay special attention to the transformation of the definition of ―the production policy‖ in the modern economy. A comparative analysis of implementation of the Europe 2020 program in the Baltic States and its main indicators was also carried out. The implementation of the production policy was examined: export – import operations in the industry and the level of salaries. Using econometric methods (correlation of Spearman, Pearson and tau Kendall) the authors have shown the relationship between the investments in research and development, the level of salaries and export – import operations in the production sector.

The main goal of the article is to present to Polish readers the most important information about one of the newer theories of the public policy process - Narrative Policy Framework (NPF). The NPF assumes that public policy narratives play a fundamental role in the public policy process. These are strategically constructed stories about the causes and solutions to public policy problems. Actors use narratives to achieve their goals, for example, implementing policies closest to their preferences. On the example of the government's "Good start" ("Dobry start" in Polish) program, the article presents practical applications of the NPF at the micro, meso, and macro levels.

The purpose of this article is to capture one of the key features of the political thought that developed in the United States of America. Assuming that the USA's political culture is indeed exceptional, the author attempts to find the common denominator that would reflect the singularity of the American political mind. The author states that such a feature is the radical anti-historicality of the American mode of thinking about politics. It is a phenomenon that is deeply-rooted in the political and spiritual past of the United States and seems to be crucial because it never developed to such an extent in other traditions. Furthermore, even today to a large extent it defines both the American left and right. It is also very much present in academic discussion as well as in ordinary political activities. By anti-historicality the author means the rejection of the thesis that politics within a given society depends on that society's past experience. The phenomenon defies simple normative assessments. On the one hand, it protects American politics from the perils of radical historicism; on the other hand, it hinders the USA's contacts with other political bodies. However, the author concludes that understanding American anti-historicality is crucial when entering into any relations with the USA. Celem artykułu jest porównanie i przeciwstawienie brytyjskiej polityki wobec kryzysu w Libii i w Syrii odpowiednio w 2011 i w 2013 roku. Szuka się w nim odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego parlament brytyjski, który w 2011 roku tak zdecydowanie poparł użycie siły przeciwko Libii, wstrzymał swoje poparcie dla akcji militarnej w Syrii w sierpniu 2013 roku. Autor wskazuje, że perspektywa masakry w libańskim mieście Benghazi przekonała brytyjskiego premiera, że akcja międzynarodowa była pilną koniecznością. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ pozwalająca na akcję militarną w celu ochrony libijskiej ludności cywilnej oraz fakt, iż interwencję poparło kilka rządów na Bliskim Wschodzie, również przyczyniły się do uznania jej przez rząd brytyjski za w pełni uprawnioną. Jednakże dwa lata później brytyjski parlament skutecznie zawetował udział Wielkiej Brytanii w atakach powietrznych przeciwko Syrii. Było to skutkiem, jak argumentuje autor, braku rezolucji ONZ w tej kwestii i wsparcia rządów w regionie dla Syrii oraz wątpliwości co do skuteczności akcji militarnej. W artykule podejmowane jest również pytanie, czy brak brytyjskiej interwencji w Syrii oznacza początek zwrotu w brytyjskiej polityce zagranicznej.

Youth policy, understood as youth activity and policy for youth,has been developing in the Baltic Sea region for many years. It takes placeon many levels of Baltic cooperation; therefore, this article uses the theory ofmulti-level governance for the analysis. There are some differences in youthpolicy between the communities of the Baltic Sea Region countries. This articleaims to analyse the participation of young people from the regions ofLithuania, Latvia, Poland, and Estonia in the BSR youth policy, based on theexample of the Youth Working Group of the "Baltic Sea States SubregionalCo-operation". The main part of the article is an analysis of interviews withyouth coordinators of "Baltic Sea States Subregional Co-operation" from selectedcountries. During the study, 5 interviews were conducted, and, thanksto these interviews, the author has made interesting observations on the differencesin involvement of young people from Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, andPoland. They indicated, inter alia, disproportional access to participation in thework of the Youth Working Group "Baltic Sea States Subregional Co-operation"between Estonia and Poland, and Lithuania and Latvia. The results clearlyshow that young people from Polish regions have the greatest opportunitiesto shape youth policy in the Baltic Sea Region.