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The author is of the opinion that with the fall of the Berlin wall, not all obstacles to the free circulation of goods & people were eliminated -- either in Europe or in other regions of the world -- since there are numerous other walls standing in the way of establishing a global world or even a European order. In that context, agreement among the members of the European Union on the comprehensive control of "its borders" against nonmember European countries is considered by the author as a type of new "curtain," not "iron" any longer, but electronic. Its function, the author claims, is to divide Europe into EU & non-EU, which is harmful for the promotion of the European idea in the spiritual & material senses in many ways. Adapted from the source document.

The text develops a new theoretical model for the analysis of post-socialist media systems in European third wave democracies. The five-dimensional theoretical framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) is expanded with the approach of historical institutionalism and path dependency in order to explain the convergence and divergence of media systems in three key time periods. The model distinguishes between three distinctive historical periods in the development of media systems, consequences of three key critical historical junctures -- modernization and democratic revolutions in the 19th century, socialist period, and the post-socialist period of new democracies. Thus the analysis includes, in addition to the first period of modernization that is crucial in the development of media systems in Western Europe (Hallin and Mancini, 2004), for the first time and explicitly also the socialist period and the contemporary period of post-socialist democratic media systems. Adapted from the source document.

The author firstly examines cultural & historical potentials of Russia, analyzing them in their positive & negative aspects. Western ability to fully confront contemporary problems is then challenged through a brief account of the cultural crisis in its society in order to establish, through an analysis of the specific reception of that crisis in Russia, whether it can offer new, fresh &/or different solutions to global problems. Finally, basic Russian cultural & political values are depicted through the history of their actions globally & the power & significance of those values is defended as exceptionally fruitful for appliance to the contemporary socio-political situation, as to the challenges that lay before the global society in the future. References. Adapted from the source document.

The author suggests that the Dayton peace accord is primarily an expression of the West's (particularly America's) strategic interests, both regional & global. Numerous political constellations that have surrounded the conflict in the former Yugoslavia can be explained away if this proposition is accepted. The lamentations that the recognition of Slovenia & Croatia was premature is an expression of the disgruntlement over the failure to incorporate the entire Yugoslav territory within the Western interest sphere & the consequent relinquishment of Serbia to Russia. In southeastern Europe, Russia has proved to be America's sole strategic ally. Americans, realizing that their strategic interests became vulnerable due to the European rivalries, decided to strike on its own. The Dayton constitution of Bosnia & Herzegovina as a multicultural state is built on current political principles in line with the requirements of the moment, which include antifascism, anticommunism, antiterrorism, human rights, & multiculturalism. The author concludes that Croatian politics should fall in line with the strategic preferences of the West, which would enable it to accomplish its national interests. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

The essay first highlights certain basic features of the attitude of European immigrant countries toward the new (migrant) ethnic minorities in their midst, the attitude that at the same time is indicative of the existence of various forms of ethnicity in the development of the European nation-states. The differences in individual "national responses" regarding the existence of new ethnic communities reflect differences in understanding of the ethnic/national identity of individual countries. The author then addresses specifically the presence of the Muslim population in West European countries, the population that -- perhaps more than any other group of "aliens" -- is torn between the West European practice of racial & increasingly cultural discrimination & a universal Western belief in the tradition of liberalism, pluralism, & democracy. In connection with this, the role of Islam & the "Muslim" identity in the Muslim communities in West European countries are analyzed. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines liberal democracy in relation to the European tradition from whence it sprung & enumerates the biggest differences between the historical forms of democracy & its modern guise. According to the author, the authentic enemies of modern liberal democracy are fascism & bolshevism. He summarizes his analyses into three points. (1) In western countries the principles of democracy have mostly been realized in the course of a long genesis following the conflict with monarchist absolutism & more recently, with fascism. (2) In the philosophy of modern day politics, mostly formal & quantitative aspects of democratic processes have been analyzed, which is the biggest shortcoming of these theories. That is why the author proposes an analysis of meaningful aspects of liberal democracy. (3) Focus is on the analysis of freedom & democracy as forms of the organization of political life of major human groups characteristic for the industrial age & modern capitalism. At the end of his study the author puts some light on the relationship between liberalism & democracy by describing the hermeneutical functions of morality in the modern age. The political culture & moral consciousness represent the base for the functioning of mediatory democracy. The hermeneutical nature of moral consciousness allows modern democracy to develop a practical relationship with its tradition without which it cannot function, as has been the case with those states in which democracy is being introduced today. Adapted from the source document.

The author compares two political parties, one from Eastern/Central Europe, and the other from Western Europe - Hungarian Jobbik and Dutch Party for Freedom of Geert Wilders - to portray some of the similarities, as well as the differences, between radical right parties in Western and Eastern European countries. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author presents the contemporary radical right. Contemporary radical right, in comparison to the interwar radical right, is not necessary anti-systemic, but mainly ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic and homophobic. Although the term radical right describes one party family, this party family has significant internal differences. Therefore, there are many definitions, which are trying to grasp this political phenomenon. The second part of the article analyses the Hungarian Jobbik. The author concludes that Jobbik satisfies all the characteristics of the radical right, and therefore represents a truly radical right party. The third part of the article is devoted to the Dutch Party for Freedom. The author concludes that this party can also be regarded as a radical right party. Adapted from the source document.

Using the example of Vojvodina, the author looks into the connection between the "socialist ideology" & the anti-Western orientation. The survey, conducted in Subotica, focuses on the influence of ethnic origin, education, migratory history, & the participation of a respondent's family in the Partisan resistance movement on the latent configuration of certain political orientations (subdimension of "socialist ideology") & the anti-Western orientation. The author claims there are four relatively independent latent dimensions of "socialist ideology": (1) Yugo-nostalgia, (2) Collectivist/statist orientation, (3) Militarist/statist orientation, & (4) Egalitarianism. The study has shown that, basically, the anti-Western orientation is one of the components of the socialist ideological pattern. The "militarist anti-Western orientation" is demonstrated by the Serbs who moved to Subotica between WWI & the recent war on the territory of the former SFR Yugoslavia. Apart from these Serbs -- & unlike the other ethnic groups -- this "militarist anti-Western orientation" is also noticeable in a fraction of Croats from Backa (Bunjevci) who have stated as their nationality "only" -- Bunjevci (Backa Croats). Besides, the study has shown that lower social classes harbor a kind of "socialist anti-Western orientation." The anti-Western orientation, which the author labels as the "Yugo-nostalgic anti-Western orientation," is held by those respondents whose relatives were involved in the Partisan movement. 15 Tables, 19 References. Adapted from the source document.