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The case of Mohammad Insa is about a Muslim man in Indonesia who wished to practise polygamy without any interference from the state, and without any need to consider the rights of his established wife. Law No. 1 of 1974 on Marriage imposes specific conditions on those who wish to contract polygamous marriages. Insa argued that, as an Indonesian citizen, those conditions contravened his right to religious freedom which is guaranteed by the 1945 Constitution. He petitioned the Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia (the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia) for a judicial review of this law, particularly its provisions which stipulate when and how polygamous marriages are contracted.

The European Union resulting from the Maastricht Treaty (1992) has seen significant changes in its prospects for integration and development in twenty years. During this period, the number of EU Member States more than doubled from 12 to 27, which necessitated the adaptation of the institutions and operation in the context of accelerated treaties; the 2005 draft Constitutional Treaty marking a key point of democratic fixation. In the French referendum on the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty, women's associations had been committed to "yes", but divided or even tortured on the attitude to be held against the 2005 referendum and many of them voted against further European integration along the proposed model. Should it be inferred that the period 1992-2005 was less beneficial for women's rights at European level? Or have other issues emerged within the women's movement, which are more important in determining their position vis-à-vis the constitutional project? In a European area in the process of enlargement, new subjects of women's rights emerged in the 1990s, first and foremost parity and above all in the political sphere. On the basis of accessible documentation, the press, but also recently open archives and oral sources, it is possible to trace historically the path towards parity and women's rights in Europe and to present the debates that have shaped this recent past. ; International audience ; The European Union resulting from the Maastricht Treaty (1992) has seen significant changes in its prospects for integration and development in twenty years. During this period, the number of EU Member States more than doubled from 12 to 27, which necessitated the adaptation of the institutions and operation in the context of accelerated treaties; the 2005 draft Constitutional Treaty marking a key point of democratic fixation. In the French referendum on the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty, women's associations had been committed to "yes", but divided or even tortured on the attitude to be held against ...

International audience ; À partir de données longitudinales sur la population indienne, nous estimons la façon dont l'accroissement des discriminations envers les femmes affecte leur santé nutritionnelle. Tandis que certaines formes de discriminations en Inde se sont détériorées sur la période étudiée, nous observons systématiquement des effets non linéaires de ces changements sur l'état nutritionnel des femmes, suggérant la concomitance de différents mécanismes ayant des conséquences nutritionnelles diamétralement opposées (prise de poids versus perte de poids).

International audience ; À partir de données longitudinales sur la population indienne, nous estimons la façon dont l'accroissement des discriminations envers les femmes affecte leur santé nutritionnelle. Tandis que certaines formes de discriminations en Inde se sont détériorées sur la période étudiée, nous observons systématiquement des effets non linéaires de ces changements sur l'état nutritionnel des femmes, suggérant la concomitance de différents mécanismes ayant des conséquences nutritionnelles diamétralement opposées (prise de poids versus perte de poids).

Au Québec, à la suite d'une immigration récente plus diversifiée, la question de la liberté religieuse et de la diversité culturelle s'est posée avec beaucoup d'acuité. Des groupes religieux minoritaires ont demandé des traitements spéciaux aux autorités étatiques, demandes qui portaient atteinte, dans certains cas, à d'autres droits fondamentaux. Pour la société québécoise qui s'est progressivement laïcisée depuis les années 1960 et qui s'est éloignée de la pratique religieuse catholique, ces multiples demandes à caractère religieux ont alors été difficiles à comprendre. Interpellé par la population québécoise sur ces questions, le gouvernement est intervenu de différentes façons dans le débat sur le respect de la diversité religieuse. L'objectif de la réflexion vise à aborder les tensions entre la diversité culturelle, la liberté de religion et le droit des femmes à l'égalité. Je prendrai l'exemple du Québec. Comment concilier l'intérêt public et les intérêts des femmes ? Le droit à l'égalité pour les femmes peut-il être relégué à un second plan au nom du respect de la diversité culturelle et du droit à la liberté de religion ? Comment décliner le droit des femmes à l'égalité en tenant compte des valeurs culturelles des femmes ? Ce débat soulève des questions au sujet du relativisme culturel, de la protection de droits fondamentaux sur le plan international, des différences, d'ethnocentrisme et d'impérialisme occidental. ; In Québec, following a recent more diversified immigration, the question of religious freedom and cultural diversity was put to the forefront. Religious minority groups asked the State for special treatments, which in some cases violated other groups' fundamental rights. The Quebec society, who has put aside religious practices since the '60s and has opted for a more secular state, had problems understanding these religious demands. The Quebec government intervened in different ways in the debate on religious diversity. My paper will deal with tensions between cultural diversity, religious freedom and women's right to equality. Québec will serve as my example. How can we reconcile public interest and women's interests? Can women's right to equality be put aside in order to respect cultural diversity and religious freedom ? How can we imagine women's right to equality while taking into account their cultural diversity? This raises questions on cultural relativism, on the protection of fundamental rights, on differences, ethnocentrism and cultural imperialism.

From the couple's right to a job to the person's right to a job – Since 1945 housewives, social-catholic associations' militants, have been considering themselves as an integral part of trade-unionism, through their bak-ck-up to their husbands' struggles, and those carried out in the residential districts. They are mobilized as wifes and mothers. However this complementary militantism alters their relation to the world, entailing in particular the creation of the group "femmes chefs de famille" – women head of household (around 1965); they reinvindicate a right to get a job for, not yet the women, but some women living in particular conditions; they invest themselves in favour of a general and professional training for women, children's care; their analysis about the women's place within the family and society change, creating among the youngsters a "take a job" practice. This vacuums many local groups of their forces, since militants are absorbed by their remunerated activity and their trade-union commitment. This commitment is direct and no more through their companion. ; A partir de 1945, des femmes au foyer, militantes d'associations catholiques-sociales, s'estiment partie prenante du syndicalisme, par le soutien apporté aux luttes des époux, et par celles menées sur les quartiers. Elles sont mobilisées comme épouses et mères. Or, ce militantisme complémentaire modifie leur rapport au monde, entraînant notamment la création du groupe "femmes chefs de famille" (vers 1965) : elles y revendiquent un droit au travail pour, non pas encore LES femmes, mais DES femmes vivant des situations particulières ; elles s'investissent pour une formation générale et professionnelle féminine, la garde des enfants, leurs analyses sur la place des femmes dans la famille et la société se modifient, provoquant chez les plus jeunes une pratique "aller au travail". Cela vide nombre de groupes locaux de leurs forces vives, les militantes étant absorbées par leur activité salariée et leur engagement syndical. Engagement cette fois ...

The se -- Univ. de Paris. ; Mode of access: Internet.