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artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 39-52 ; streszcz. pol., ang. ; artykuł w: Annales Universitatis Mariae Curie-Skłodowska. Sectio M, Balcaniensis et Carpathiensis Vol. 4 (2019), s. 39-52 ; streszcz. pol., ang.

The Author presents the main elements of the Euroconstitution that have caused the greatest protest of French society and resulted in its rejection in the referendum of May 2005. These include: the ultra-liberal economic system of the EU, poor protection of human rights and the rights of employees, poor security of democratic functioning of the EU structures, subjecting of the EU defense policy to NATO, failure to provide for a secular character of states and insufficient guarantees of women's rights. The second part of the paper is devoted to the analysis of the activity of French civic society in the constitutional campaign and to the Author's participation in this campaign ; The Author presents the main elements of the Euroconstitution that have caused the greatest protest of French society and resulted in its rejection in the referendum of May 2005. These include: the ultra-liberal economic system of the EU, poor protection of human rights and the rights of employees, poor security of democratic functioning of the EU structures, subjecting of the EU defense policy to NATO, failure to provide for a secular character of states and insufficient guarantees of women's rights. The second part of the paper is devoted to the analysis of the activity of French civic society in the constitutional campaign and to the Author's participation in this campaign

Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women's suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women. ; Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women's suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women.

In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures. ; In 2004, Polish women took part in the elections to the European Parliament for the first time. It was a long road that led them to take seats there. The beginnings of the Polish women's movement date back to the 19th century when it was closely connected with the struggle for the independence of Poland. It was then that the stereotype of the Polish Mother emerged, the guardian of the hearth and home, and promoter of patriotism. These, among other things, were the social, cultural and political stereotypes that women seeking to increase their presence in public life needed to face up to. Polish women obtained voting rights rela- tively early on, in 1918. Despite their political rights, they did not participate in the political life of interwar Poland on a larger scale. The women's organizations that emerged after WWII implemented the ideology that was officially propagated in those times, and strictly followed the policies of the authorities. Significant changes in the women's movement occurred in the 1980s when authentic women's initiatives formed around the Solidarity movement. At pres- ent, approximately 300 women's organizations operate in Poland. Polish accession to the European Union has given Polish women an opportunity to intensify their activities in supra- national politics. Polish women took seats in the European Parliament, although their numbers thus far have been relatively low. During the 6th parliamentary term, out of 54 Polish Members of the European Parliament, 7 were women. In the EP elections held in 2009, 11 Polish women were elected as MEPs. Regardless of this low level of representation, Polish women are very active and resilient and seriously committed to working in European Parlia- mentary structures.

The fact of women not being awarded political rights in the first stage of forming a representative system of government marks the beginning of the period of struggle for their political inclusion. This paper presents the process of fighting for women's political inclusion, its stages, participants, strategies, arguments for granting electoral rights to women followed by their participation in decision-making processes on equal terms with men.

Over the centuries, Switzerland has developed a unique and inimitable statehood that functions in peculiar geographical, social and political conditions, shaped by the tradition of exercising direct forms of power. It appears, however, that these tools of direct democracy can sometimes obstruct the changes of utmost significance for the development of modern statehood and democracy. This was the case of granting voting rights to women. Although many European and other states granted the rights to vote and stand for election to women in the 1920s and 1930s, Switzerland needed much longer to introduce this change: on the federal level, women's suffrage was granted as late as in 1971, and the last to enjoy the right to partake in the political life of their canton were the women of Appenzell Innerrhoden, granted the right in 1990. The objective of this paper is to analyze the influence of the mechanisms of direct democracy on the introduction of voting rights for Swiss women.

The Turkish history huge efforts aimed at modernization and determination to equal Western European countries in the fi eld of respecting human rights. The secularisation process carried out during the Mustafa Kemal Pasha resulted in Turkey being the only Muslim country, were the principle of separation of religion from the state is obligatory (at least formally). The last military coup (in 1980), activities of non-governmental organizations and the infl uence of the European Union in relation to the accession process resulted in gradual improvement of the situation of women in Turkey. The European Union indirectly supported opposition feminist's movement which emerged in new political situation. Nevertheless, gender segregation is still visible on the streets of Istanbul and in the workplaces - women are employed in places less exposed to social contacts, they are paid lower pay, and they often work in the informal sector without a benefi t of social security. Finally, it is worth to point out some similarities between Poland and Turkey. At the beginning of XX century agriculture and monotheistic religion dominated in both countries. Both countries, albeit for different reasons, reclaimed independence after World War I. In both countries strong leaders took over, reforming and modernizing the country. Both leaders, Józef Piłsudski and Mustafa Kemal sympathised with the postulates of female organizations in respect to voting rights and access to education35. For many years, in both countries the dominant role model for women was a mother (also mother of the nation) or a virgin. However, following different ideologies, equality of women in employment was promoted. In Poland and in Turkey gender inequality in marriage has never been opposed, while the phenomenon of domestic violence was concealed. Moreover, in the eighties and nineties of the XX century, both countries: Turkey and Poland underwent liberalizing political changes. Women have become their benefi - ciaries, but they also have been their motive power. ...

This paper is devoted to the analysis of the socio-political changes that occurred in Poland in 2016 as a result of the outbreak of the so-called black protests. The protests, which later became known as the All-Poland Women's Strike, were activated several times in the following years, as a result of subsequent events related to the provisions regulating the right to abortion in Poland. The empirical findings contained in this text result from the analysis of statistical data (CBOS reports), dedicated to the research of political party electorates, which was carried out in 2015, 2017 and 2021. Moreover, the article presents own research conducted in the period from April to July 2021 using the method of analysis of the content published on social media by entities established after 2016. The results of the research confirm that the outbreak and the subsequent periodic activation of protests, supported by the activities of entities promoting the right to abortion, initiated two significant changes in Poland. The first is the clear polarization of political party electorates regarding the right to abortion, and the second is the intensification of the discourse on the very right to abortion, introducing new arguments regarding termination of pregnancy to the agenda (as well as other topics related to the situation of women and broadly understood sex education). Both of the indicated outcomes resulted in the phenomenon of abortion being visible in the public discourse, especially in social media. The following analysis is part of the trend of social research devoted to the importance of socio-political protests in democratic countries and the role of social media as an immanent tool used in the activity of new social movements.

Over the last hundred years, there have been accomplished visible and beneficial to women changes related to equalization of their chances in the labour market. Thanks to feminist movements of the first and second wave women gained access to education and the right to vote, there was accomplished progress in women's access to the labour market, to business and managerial positions. The data for Poland show that contemporary women are better educated than men and have qualifications adequate for managerial positions at the top executive level - become owners of company or hold positions of presidents and general directors. There are increasingly more studies proving that gender diversity is profitable for companies, as it generates higher effectiveness due to higher efficiency and greater creativity of diversified teams. Facing radical demographic changes resulting with the lower number of successive generations entering the labour market, it is essential to take advantage of the potential of increasingly higher educated women and to treat them as the labour force resource equal to men (and not subordinate). Patriarchy as a social system where women play inferior roles to men is exhausting its significance and ceases to be justified, i.e. it does not facilitate socio-economic development or welfare of societies. It is being replaced with partnership of women and men both at work and in family. Transformation of patriarchy into partnership is a longstanding process, therefore, in order to accelerate it, there are implemented solutions in a form of quotas in politics and business which are actions of interim character - implemented for a determined period in order to achieve faster the goal which is obtaining gender balance in decision-making bodies. ; Na przestrzeni ostatnich stu lat dokonały się dostrzegalne i korzystne dla kobiet zmiany związane z wyrównywaniem ich szans na rynku pracy. Dzięki ruchom feministycznym pierwszej i drugiej fali kobiety uzyskały prawo do edukacji i prawa wyborcze, dokonał się postęp w ...

The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.

Artykuł odwołuje się w swojej analizie do postrzegania wartości Unii Europejskiej z perspektywy człowieka jako dobra najwyższego w kontekście zmian medialnych oraz protestów kobiet w Polsce pod koniec 2020 roku oraz społecznej aktywności demonstrującej przywiązanie Polaków do UE. Na początku trzeciej dekady XXI wieku istotnymi wartościami, podkreślanymi w przestrzeni publicznej są: dobro jednostek, wolność wypowiadania swoich poglądów, równość polityczna, społeczna oraz ekonomiczna dotycząca wszystkich, niezależnie od rasy, płci, orientacji seksualnej, kultury, religii, sympatii politycznych. Są one podstawą funkcjonowania wspólnoty ludzkiej w tym UE. Przestrzenią do obrony tych wartości, stały się nowe media w tym niezwykle istotne media społecznościowe. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest praktyczna analiza, styku wartości o tradycyjnym, humanistycznym znaczeniu takich, jak kultura słowa oraz debaty publicznej z walką o wolność manifestowania swoich poglądów oraz obrony wartości przy użyciu nowych mediów. Co wbrew pozorom nie jest sprzeczne. Język protestu młodego pokolenia, nie jest poprawny, sięga do wulgaryzmów, ponieważ bardzo często jest to nie tylko zmiana pokoleniowa, lecz odpowiedź na język polityki i polityków. Polem do analizy jest spór polityczno-ideologiczny wywołany na polskiej scenie politycznej. Analiza na gruncie badań politologicznych oraz nauki o mediach, oparta została na badaniu źródeł zarówno literatury naukowej, jak i Internetu oraz mediów społecznościowych. Studium przypadku są wydarzenia związane z protestem kobiet w Polsce oraz innymi wystąpieniami przeciwko polityce rządu. Charakter mediów społecznościowych powoduje, iż nie funkcjonuje w nich cenzura, jakakolwiek kontrola form wyrazu oraz treści. Jest to praktyczna realizacja wolności i prawa do wyrażania swoich poglądów oraz protestu. Taka forma wolności prowadzi do wulgaryzacji życia publicznego. Niejednokrotnie wulgaryzacja, słowna, gesty, symbole i ich użycie mają swoje źródła w obserwacji życia politycznego. Zdaniem autorów, ta forma wyrażania myśli, w tym również służąca obronie podstawowych społecznych wartości wymaga przedefiniowania i zrozumienia kontekstów kulturowych. ; The article refers in its analysis to the perception of the values of the European Union from the human perspective as the highest good in the context of media changes and women's protests in Poland at the end of 2020 and social activity demonstrating Poles' attachment to the EU. At the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, the important values emphasized in the public space are: the good of individuals, freedom of expression, political, social and economic equality concerning everyone, regardless of race, gender, sexual orientation, culture, religion, political sympathies. They are the basis for the functioning of the human community in this EU. New media, including extremely important social media, have become a space to defend these values. The aim of this article is a practical analysis of the intersection of values with a traditional humanistic meaning, such as the culture of speech and public debate, with the struggle for the freedom to express one's views and defend values using new media. Contrary to appearances, it is not contradictory. The language of protest of the young generation is not correct, it reaches to profanity, because very often it is not only a generational change, but a response to the language of politics and politicians. The field for analysis is the political and ideological dispute sparked on the Polish political scene. Analysis based on political science research and media science was based on researching the sources of both scientific literatures, the Internet and social media. The case studies are related to the women's protest in Poland and other protests against government policy. Due to the nature of social media, there is no censorship, no control of forms of expression and content. It is a practical realization of the freedom and the right to express one's views and protest. This form of freedom leads to a vulgarization of public life. Often, vulgarity, verbal, gestures, symbols and their use have their source in the observation of political life. According to the authors, this form of expressing thoughts, including the one serving to defend basic social values, requires redefining and understanding cultural contexts.

Artykuł odwołuje się w swojej analizie do postrzegania wartości Unii Europejskiej z perspektywy człowieka jako dobra najwyższego w kontekście zmian medialnych oraz protestów kobiet w Polsce pod koniec 2020 roku oraz społecznej aktywności demonstrującej przywiązanie Polaków do UE. Na początku trzeciej dekady XXI wieku istotnymi wartościami, podkreślanymi w przestrzeni publicznej są: dobro jednostek, wolność wypowiadania swoich poglądów, równość polityczna, społeczna oraz ekonomiczna dotycząca wszystkich, niezależnie od rasy, płci, orientacji seksualnej, kultury, religii, sympatii politycznych. Są one podstawą funkcjonowania wspólnoty ludzkiej w tym UE. Przestrzenią do obrony tych wartości, stały się nowe media w tym niezwykle istotne media społecznościowe. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest praktyczna analiza, styku wartości o tradycyjnym, humanistycznym znaczeniu takich, jak kultura słowa oraz debaty publicznej z walką o wolność manifestowania swoich poglądów oraz obrony wartości przy użyciu nowych mediów. Co wbrew pozorom nie jest sprzeczne. Język protestu młodego pokolenia, nie jest poprawny, sięga do wulgaryzmów, ponieważ bardzo często jest to nie tylko zmiana pokoleniowa, lecz odpowiedź na język polityki i polityków. Polem do analizy jest spór polityczno-ideologiczny wywołany na polskiej scenie politycznej. Analiza na gruncie badań politologicznych oraz nauki o mediach, oparta została na badaniu źródeł zarówno literatury naukowej, jak i Internetu oraz mediów społecznościowych. Studium przypadku są wydarzenia związane z protestem kobiet w Polsce oraz innymi wystąpieniami przeciwko polityce rządu. Charakter mediów społecznościowych powoduje, iż nie funkcjonuje w nich cenzura, jakakolwiek kontrola form wyrazu oraz treści. Jest to praktyczna realizacja wolności i prawa do wyrażania swoich poglądów oraz protestu. Taka forma wolności prowadzi do wulgaryzacji życia publicznego. Niejednokrotnie wulgaryzacja, słowna, gesty, symbole i ich użycie mają swoje źródła w obserwacji życia politycznego. Zdaniem autorów, ta forma wyrażania myśli, w tym również służąca obronie podstawowych społecznych wartości wymaga przedefiniowania i zrozumienia kontekstów kulturowych. ; The article refers in its analysis to the perception of the values of the European Union from the human perspective as the highest good in the context of media changes and women's protests in Poland at the end of 2020 and social activity demonstrating Poles' attachment to the EU. At the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, the important values emphasized in the public space are: the good of individuals, freedom of expression, political, social and economic equality concerning everyone, regardless of race, gender, sexual orientation, culture, religion, political sympathies. They are the basis for the functioning of the human community in this EU. New media, including extremely important social media, have become a space to defend these values. The aim of this article is a practical analysis of the intersection of values with a traditional humanistic meaning, such as the culture of speech and public debate, with the struggle for the freedom to express one's views and defend values using new media. Contrary to appearances, it is not contradictory. The language of protest of the young generation is not correct, it reaches to profanity, because very often it is not only a generational change, but a response to the language of politics and politicians. The field for analysis is the political and ideological dispute sparked on the Polish political scene. Analysis based on political science research and media science was based on researching the sources of both scientific literatures, the Internet and social media. The case studies are related to the women's protest in Poland and other protests against government policy. Due to the nature of social media, there is no censorship, no control of forms of expression and content. It is a practical realization of the freedom and the right to express one's views and protest. This form of freedom leads to a vulgarization of public life. Often, vulgarity, verbal, gestures, symbols and their use have their source in the observation of political life. According to the authors, this form of expressing thoughts, including the one serving to defend basic social values, requires redefining and understanding cultural contexts.