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Vol. 1 includes "Prólogo de Marinano Picón Salas" (21 p.) ;v.2 includes "Estudio bibliográfico e indice temático por Pedro Grases (63 p.) ; "Es una colección mucho más completa que la publicada por la Academia en 1939" -v.2, p [37] ; Facsimile reproduction of regular and extraordinary issues, including supplements of the gazette, Oct. 24, 1808 -Dec. 25,1810 (v.1.) and Jan. 1 1811 -June 5 1812. (v.2) ; Vol. 1 includes "Prólogo de Marinano Picón Salas" (21 p.) ;v.2 includes "Estudio bibliográfico e indice temático por Pedro Grases (63 p.) ; Mode of access: Internet.

J. Meynaud's PRESSURE GROUP IN FRANCE & H. W. Ehrmann's INTEREST GROUPS ON FOUR CONTINENTS are evidence of the progress made in the study of pressure groups outside of the US. Yet they show that though we have arrived at a definition of such groups, the actual mechanism of pressure still generally escapes investigation. On the other hand, recent studies by historians have indicated that the actual influence of such groups has frequently been exaggerated: their activities are not always organized nor do they always achieve success. Despite the present multiplication of monographs, we are still a long way from being able to evaluate their influence in public affairs. The study of international pressure groups can only be sketched out; the documentation of the pol'al action of the large international corporations will undoubtedly have to await some future date, but it should be possible to study the international org's which are not attached to Gov: the understanding of the techniques by which pressure groups exercise their influence should allow for more adequate studies & a better understanding of international relations. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

In Jan 1955 the Institute of French Opinion asked a sample of individuals to list in order of preference ten French pol'al figures. A factoral analysis of the 1,436 replies showed that the 'leftist-rightist' continuum was of major importance in French pol'al preferences on the eve of the fall of Mendes-France, & accounted for 26.4% of the variance. Next in order of importance were factors related to European problems & questions related to the French Union. These results indicate how important post-WWII problems are in the view of the public, as well as the continued importance of the left-right distinction. Tr by J. A. Broussard from 1PSA.

Religious concern is f'ly found in the works of Tocqueville, who saw in religion an essential basis for new societies & felt that a society threatened by disbelief could not prosper. In the midst of a world which leans toward disbelief, the only possible voice favoring religion seems to be the one followed in the US. Religion can exercise indirect power over politics by emphasizing tradition & maintaining respect for order. For Tocqueville therefore, religion is not only 'a particular kind of hope'; it is more than mere sentiment. Tr from IPSA by J. A.Broussard.

It is necessary to distinguish c1earIy between the social and the political principies. The two were confussedin the ancient world, except only in China, where Laotse' s rural social system confronted theurbanpoliticalsystem~of Confucius. The Greeks, on the other hand, did not rnake a true distinction between these two principies and, consequently, between social and political reality. Plato'ssystem irnplies the annulment of Society; Aristotles's State would absorb its existence, In stoicisrn one encounters an occasional glimpse of insight into this distinction, but without a clear, conscious grasp of the matter. So much so, that universal society and the Roman Empire are identified as one. Medieval christianity, however, intuits the social principIe, but fails to develop it adequately. On the contrary, the tendency to affirm the supremaey of the State over Society continues to grow. Althusius took issue with the notion of distinguishing between these terms. He rejects the picture of Society as facing the State but acknowledges the autonomy of the social groups and of the principIe that interrelates them. The triumph of absolutism impeded the progress of his original and significant contribution. During the rSth century, paral1eling the development of the bourgeoisíe, the idea began to make headway of a "civil society", as distinct from the State. It is, however, á society dominated by an individualistic criterion, because, theoreticalIy as wel1 as practicalIy, anything that makes references to corporativeexistence is ruled out. After the French Revolution and as a reaction against it, the reality of Society as a totality opposed to the State is clearIy stated. Saint Simon is a precise exponent of this new attitude. In his judgement, Society administers, whereas the State governs, and, giving priority to Society, he pronounces that as many tasks as possible ought to be transferred from politics to administration. Hegel also perceives the differentiation clearIy, but considers that, by itself, Society is incapable of achieving order and liberty, and that it depends on the State to provide these foc her, Lorenz von Stein thinks along the sarne lines. Marx envisions a victorious Society, free at last at the end of the class struggLe but asserts Society's absolute submission to the State during the time necessary to achieve that goal. After this historical exposition, the author states briefly where he himself stands. Rather than individuals, diverse groups comprise the social community, which makes itself felt through communality of life and thought. Alone, it is incapable of handling alI the conflicts which might arise within it -hence the necessity of the State. Nevertheless, the greatest possible margin of social spontaneity ought tobeallowed. To this end, on the one hand, thé greatest -feasible decentralization, must takeplace. On the other, the administrative, i, e., social management ought to assume many functions which nowadays, are part of thegovernmental process. ; Resumen en inglés.

The new Federation of the British territories of the Caribbean area will come into being in 1957, with the first federal elections under the new constítutional arrangements probably being held early in 1956. In this article Professor Lewís sets out the general background of West Indian society wíthin which the Federal Government will operate. A short inítial historical background of the federal idea is followed by .a discussion of the varied factors that make Federation a logical step for these dispersed and poverty-stricken islands. This is followed, in turn, by two larger sections, The first of these deals in detail with the general socia'! and psychological conditions of West Indian society; with sorne particular reference being paid to social attitudes of the peasant and worker in that society; the relationship between them and the elements of West Indian government; the role of color in social and individual relationships; the problem of a superimposed British culture-pattern upon a colonial people; and the kind of public policy that will have to be pursued by imaginative government if a West Indian answer 1S to be provided to the West Indian question, The second larger section analyzes the character of politics and political parties in the British Caribbean. It includes a description of the pllesent forms of constitutional and political rule in the Crown Colonysystem and an analysis of the various factors that explain the comparative imrnaturity of disciplined and principled political partíes in the region. Note is taken of the recent rise of new party organizatíons which promise to replace the old forrns with new structures and new social and economic philosophies more attuned to the rising demand for responsible self-government in the area, possibly to end in Dominion Status of the region within the Cornrnonwealth. Note is likewise taken of those aspects of the proposed Federa'! Constitution which impíge upon these aspects of West Indian government. The final and shorter section of the article deals with the growth of a Caribbean national culture and consciousness within the British area. For the development of federal self-government is only one aspect of the rise of colonial nationalism within the Caribbean; one of the problems of the federal venture, in turn, will be that of adjusting its machinery and its outlook to the demands of that nationalist spirít. In this sense, the Caribbean reflects the larger spirit of racial and nationalist self-assertiveness that is to be seen in the Asian and African continents. The article closes by drawing attention to the fact that the stubborn anglophilism of the British Caribbean, along with its nearness to the United States, suggests that the region may become an experiment in the meeting and the mixture of the old and the new worlds in the twentieth century. ; Resumen en inglés.