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Norwegian foreign policy discourse is mainly based on the premise that Norway is a "small state." This insistence has linked it to another discourse within the IR community, namely small state literature. The author examines this tradition critically, emphasizing its main tenet: the significance of military power. Paradoxically, one might say, because this way of thinking presupposes a "great power" perspective. Small states have usually been regarded as too weak to influence world politics to any significant extent, but this view is only valid within a "Westphalian" political order. The article explores the various attempts of defining the small state, & the general perception of a specific small state behavior. These efforts, however, presuppose a kind of similarity between small states, which is not historically evident. Instead the author highlights the significance of studying small states more historically, taking into consideration the great variations between them. In recent years, the claim that there exists a universal small state behavior has been challenged by developments within the EU. This "post Westphalian" kind of political order demonstrates the way in which small states within the community now develop a new sense of "activism" & a new small state identity -- changes which add up to a radically new small state profile. 120 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses China's policies in and towards the Arctic and Africa within a comparative perspective. To what extent is China's policy adaptable to different conditions? What does this adaptability tell us about China's ascendant great-power role in the world in general? What is the message to the Arctic and Africa respectively? The article concludes that China's regional strategies aptly reflect the overall grand strategy of a country that is slowly but surely aiming at taking on the role of leading global superpower. In doing so, Chinese foreign policy has demonstrated flexibility and adaptive tactics, through a careful tailoring of its so-called core interests and foreign policy principles, and even identity politics, to regional conditions. This implies that regions seeking autonomy in the context of great power activism and contestation should develop their own strategies not only for benefiting from Chinese investment but also in terms of managing dependency on China and in relation to China and great power competition.

Is the classic diplomat one of globalization's many victims? Has foreign policy become an underutilization of domestic politics? We still have an international state system, based on diplomacy as a tool, where dialogue and negotiation between equal players are the axiom, or is it about to dissolve in their regions and religions? How should foreign policy is organized and managed in order to be optimally equipped for global common challenges? These are some of the issues that the sacking stream of books on international politics, economics and diplomacy takes up. One category sheds new light on the bureaucratic state, the global system and the challenges it faces. The Christian Westphalian order has evolved since the mid-1600s, based on sovereignty, strategy and balance of power, but the world is now moving back to something similar to a pre-modern state system, characterized by system clash, legitimacy struggle and the emergence of new powers who want to transform the ground rules, in the worst case, override them completely. Adapted from the source document.

Climate change has renewed the debate about shipping in the Arctic due to an expected reduction of ice in these sea lanes. Because of the Arctic slowly opening, allowing for more activity, navigational rights for ships have caught the attention of the world once again, including those of warships. Through analysing the navigational regime for warships in the Northwest and Northeast Passages, this article aims to introduce the different rules for navigation and the consequences for maritime operations in the Arctic, including the right to overflight. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea provides navigational rights for warships and overflight in peace time operations, but the matter of which navigation rules should apply in the passages is under debate. Based on an analysis of the Convention, case law, legal theory and customary law, the article aims to shed light on different interpretations of the legal regimes of navigation in the passages and which rules should apply to warships and overflight in the future.

New uncertainties in international relations have presented several states in the West with important choices regarding their national strategies for the Arctic. This article analyzes security challenges in the Arctic and North Atlantic region, as understood by some key North-Atlantic states, namely: the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, the UK, Germany and France. By analyzing how, or to what degree, the colder east-west security landscape since 2014 is reflected in these selected North Atlantic states' Arctic security strategies, this article seeks to improve our understanding of how the security situation in the northernmost part of the world is developing and being understood. Through applying a traditional understanding of security, the article identifies similarities but also significant differences among the Arctic and North-Atlantic states. Most notable when comparing the strategies is the rather unique global perspective laid out in the US security strategy for the region. The British, Norwegian, Danish and Canadian perspectives, on the other hand, stand out as more regional in nature. Germany displays a rather low profile in its approach to international security in the Arctic, considering its economic status in Europe. France reveals a strong concern for Arctic shipping and freedom of navigation, a perspective similar to the USA's, but with less global ambition.

The U.S. Department of the Navy released A Strategic Blueprint for the Arctic on 5 January 2021. The Navy is focused on preparing for an Alaskan and "Blue" Arctic. Recognizing the changing landscape of the Arctic, the US Navy seeks to maintain a competitive edge, freedom of the seas, and deterrent effect. For the Marine Corps, both the 2021 document and the previous Advantage at Sea: Prevailing with Integrated All-Domain Naval Power, highlight the Marines' mission to assist the Navy in sea control and sea denial. These strategic documents reflect the direction both the Navy and Marine Corps are taking to better engage in the Arctic, and, therefore on NATO's northern flank and elsewhere in the world. The Marine Corps' new concept for warfighting, represented in The Tentative Manual for Expeditionary Advanced Base Operations (EABO) presumes that Marines are a "stand-in" force, i.e., they are already in areas within an adversary's weapon's engagement zone (WEZ). However, this is not the case on NATO's northern flank, where Marines conduct training with NATO and under bilateral agreements. In order to better understand how these new concepts and strategic documents influence the USMC's engagement on NATO's northern flank, it is important to relate them to the overall strategic context in this region, as well as the possible gaps that exist down to include operational and some tactical levels implications.

Between the Second World War and the fall of the Berlin Wall Germany showed great aversion towards using military force for other purposes than territorial defense and held a multilateral balance between France and the United States with their respective ambitions EU and NATO. After the Wall fell, the German security policy started to change and German politicians increasingly argued for military use as a legitimate instrument in international politics. Among the driving forces for this process has been the change in European strategic culture as Europe is looking towards an integrated foreign and security policy, which may even go against German interest. L. Pitkaniemi

Comments on "refleksprosjektet"; a Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiative to define Norwegian foreign policy in a new era faced with global changes in the areas of environment, energy, global warming, health, poverty, world security, technology and communication, international migration, religion, the global economy and changes in Norwegian changes in the areas of oil, the petroleum fund, open society, and global economic dependencies. Comments include the relationship between government initiative reports and practical politics, challenges of future planning, and value of plans to increase experience based learning. Concludes that the value of the initiative is increased focus, interest, debate, and understanding of Norwegian foreign policy issues. References. E. Sundby