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W artykule omawia się przeprowadzone w Unii Gospodarczo-Walutowej (UGiW) reformy, ich zakres oraz dyskusję, jaką problem ten wywołał. UGiW jest przede wszystkim realizowana bez dokończenia procesu w integracji na etapie rynku wewnętrznego. Można to było przyjąć jako punkt wyjściowy dla nowego, wyższego etapu integracji w 1992 r. Trudno jednak uznać za dobry start do pogłębiania UGiW, ponad ćwierć wieku później. Wprowadzone reformy mogą być uznane za rozwiązanie cementujące państwa uczestniczące w UGiW jednak wprowadza podziały między nimi, jak i między państwami uczestniczącymi w UGiW oraz w niej nieuczestniczącymi. Z pewnością wprowadzone rozwiązania zwiększają bezpieczeństwo rynku kapitałowego i bankowego przez zastosowanie nowych wymogów, jednak nie eliminują możliwości podnoszenia deficytu budżetowego czy radykalnego ograniczenia długu publicznego w krajach, w których od powstania UGiW przekracza on dopuszczalne przez kryteria konwergencji - wskaźniki. Mimo pewnych pozytywnych symptomów wynikających z reform UGiW, ekonomiści oceniają wprowadzone zmiany z ograniczonym entuzjazmem. Ogólnie reformy miały za cel bliżej zintegrować państwa europejskie przez pogłębienie konwergencji ich makro-parametrów. Widziano w UGiW także sposób na zmianę kursu dolara oraz zmianę jego pozycji międzynarodowej. Tylko część z tych celów udało się osiągnąć.

The article argues that consequence of Brexit bring specifi c costs for both of the partners: EU as well as the United Kingdom. Nevertheless, the procedure of Brexit brings about also some positive aspects. The procedure itself points at the fact how European integration is important for the economy and development of each member state. The procedure helps to restructure the future Multiannual Financial Framework after 2020, it also shows that it is easier to negotiate conditions of trade being represented by the Commission than doing it individually in relations between two states. Separate problem is ascribed to deterrence of applying similar ideas in states, which had followed some of the Brexit visions and mobilized by them politically some of the citizens (Denmark, Finland, France, Greece, Germany, Hungary, Italy and Poland). All such conclusions can be drawn while discussing the process, which prolongs and it is impossible to guess how fi nally it will end for the UK as well for the EU as far as their mutual economic relations are concerned. It is still possible to withdraw from the article 50 of the treaty, it is possible to accept the negotiated conditions of the withdrawal treaty or to leave the EU without an agreement. Still all mentioned solutions are possible and can be applied. The choice of one of them is a big unknown. Lack of the Brexit agreement will cause big costs for both of the partners: the EU and the UK. ; Artykuł ma na celu dowieść, że skutki brexitu niosą określone koszty zarówno dla UE, jak i Wielkiej Brytanii. Sama procedura brexitu wskazuje znaczenie integracji europejskiej dla rozwoju każdego z państw UE, która wspomaga proces restrukturyzacji przyszłych Wieloletnich Ram Finansowych, wskazuje, że łatwiej jest negocjować warunki handlu, mając za reprezentanta Komisję, niż na zasadzie indywidualnej – państwo z państwem. Osobny problem wiąże się z działaniem na rzecz odstraszania od podobnych koncepcji państw, w których naśladownictwo "brexitu" stało się tematem mobilizującym politycznie (Dania, Finlandia, Francja, Grecja, Niemcy, Polska, Węgry, Włochy). Brexit się przeciąga, jednak trudno przewidzieć, jak się zakończy dla UE i Wielkiej Brytanii, jeśli chodzi o przyszłe wzajemne relacje. Nadal możliwe jest cofnięcie decyzji o uruchomieniu artykułu 50 traktatu, czy zaakceptowanie wynegocjowanej umowy lub wyjście bez umowy, co oznaczałoby bardzo duże koszty dla obu stron.

The article discusses the problem of absence of symmetry between opening of the economy and opening of the society. Even though both discussed occurrences have their history, they are studied separately. In the article a hypothesis is put on existence of asymmetry between opening of the economy and opening of the society and this fact is seen as one of the obstacles which limits both studied and analysed processes. The attention in the article is turned to fact that there are measures which help to estimate the scale of opening of an economy, however there are no similar tools to measure openness of a society. This asymmetry limits our ability to understand the problem and to construct tools necessary to reduce it. The aim of the article is not to show actions or a plan for narrowing the existing gap between the two processes but pointing at the role of those two processes in shaping the effective policy in the two fields.

The article argues that the current security model was shaped in a long period. It is shown that the system was shaped by the solutions applied after the II WW, what embraces global and regional solutions. Until the end of the Cold War the applied solutions were assigned to two opposite Blocs: Western and Eastern. After 1989, which is considered to be the symbolic turning point and end of the Cold War, part of the states from the former Eastern Bloc, after introducing market and democratic reforms have joined NATO and the EU. This also included three states created after the dissolution of the former SU. The article states also that security in Europe is challenged by attempt to reconstruct the area of Russian influence. At the same time it states that this process is not limited to voluntary access of the former republics of SU but also includes annexation of the territories of sovereign Ukraine. The article illustrates that the contemporary security system is characterized by strong asymmetry of applied solutions. NATO applies liberal, cooperative solutions, while Russia uses solutions build upon force and military potential. This asymmetry and moves undertaken by Russia undermine the solutions introduced by international laws. They resulted introduction of sanctions by the US and EU states, what was followed by some political and military steps, labelled as boost NATO military presence in the NATO states bordering with Russia. The article states that in parallel to Hard Power, NATO and the EU should apply also Soft Power. Solutions applied in Russia follow the feeling of majority people in Russia who experience the trauma of former superpower and its fall. The article describes basic conditions of security system with its global and regional solutions, which create its current determinants. This concerns the level of military spending, economic potential, as well as weight of individual states and their groupings in the world scene. Key words: international security model, theory of security, practice in current security model, Soft Power, Hard Power, deterrence, balance of forces

The article shows possibilities of economic processes management in each economy, dividing them into internal methods and external methods. The later embrace conditions created by international environment as well as international organizations and relations established with them. Such management is strongly dependent on diversification of development of particular groups of economies, it takes into account national interests of different groups of economies and national, regional and global interests and differences among them. The concept is also strongly linked to stage of development of external institutional ties of each state. A separate part of the study is devoted to transmission channels which play an important role in helping to introduce certain solutions practiced and tested in other democracies. The subject covered in the article illustrates that only a limited number of countries make full use of the possibilities which were created by conditions of differentiated development and multilevel management, which creates an important component of the compound system, supporting it strongly. The conclusion of the article draws attention to the need of knowledge acquisition concerning sequencing of development and multilevel management of economic processes in each economy.