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Abstract
Displacement is underway in Lebanon after financial collapse, but not as events of migration, rather, as processual disruption to people's lives that begins in place, preceding the potential outcome of forced migration. Financial collapse has shifted the population into extremes of constraint, dispossessing them of assets needed to live in valued ways. Widely circulated claims of an exodus are premature. Historic mass emigration from Lebanon occurred in times of capital availability whilst today's financial collapse denies most people of the capital needed to emigrate. Migration remains limited to the few with social and cultural capital unaffected by the crisis. This article was prompted by the author's observations of financial collapse whilst living in Lebanon in 2020 and long-standing engagement with the country. Regardless of whether mass emigration occurs, perhaps after the economy's recapitalization, the displacement process already underway warrants attention from refugee and forced migration studies.

The study aims to determine the picture of the implementation of literacy education in Maros district, seen in terms of planning, organizing, implementing learning, coordination, coaching and assessment as well as learning outcomes of learning residents. This research is a type of case study by usinga combination of qualitative and quantitative research approaches. Based on the results of the data analysis, conclusions were drawn (1) The literacy education program in Maros district has been implemented through a series of planning, organizing, implementing learning, coordination, coaching and assessment, as well as meeting basic literacy education standards, (2) the literacy education program is supported by the ranks of level II local governments, private institutions and illiterate citizens. In addition, there are still obstacles such as the slowness of disbursement of organizing funds from the government, the lack of tutoring in teaching citizens to learn and the lack of activity of citizens learning to participate in learning. (3) Learning outcomes in the form of literacy ability achieved by residents learning literacy education are more at a high level of achievement, in other words, that the literacy education program has succeeded in liberating illiteracy for illiteracy residents in Maros district

This text tackles questions of what makes a community and belonging possible and sensible. Rather than focusing on a specific community, it centers the ongoing collective living and communality at work in constructing and deconstructing narratives of belonging. The text is based on a year-long ethnographic fieldwork in gender-political communities in Helsinki, among people whose state-authorized residence in Finland is (sought to be) recognized based on the need for protection from sexuality- and gender-based violence in communities of origin/departure. I begin with narratives that participants mobilize to make sense of belonging to a given community or collective (queer, multicultural, Finnish/European) and non-belonging to another (community of origin). Then, I discuss possibilities of affinity, alliance and politics that rethink normative/restrictive structures of identification and othering/exclusion. I foreground queerhood for 1) its praxis of problematizing normative boundaries of communities, 2) its juxtaposition of the intimate and the communal to mobilize vulnerability as transformative to violent structures. I argue that the precarity of queer racialized exiles might entail strategic, but possibly complacent, investment in racializing norms. This precludes consideration of unjust structures in the desired society of settlement. However, the realm of precarity opens to (re)consideration and contestations of the norms and terms of belonging to the idealized desired (Finnish/European/multicultural) community. Scholars have highlighted that experiencing racializing queer-political milieus induces shifts in racialized queers' narratives of belonging and affinity. My ethnography on mundane narratives in the uncertainty and unmooring of exile traces how abstracted and dichotomous/factionalist narratives of community open and warm up to a queerer sense of kinship that is more attuned to considerations of the lived-experience violence to difference (and the different) within and without these boundaries of belonging.

This is a disaggregated study of different factors which shaped Jordan's Syrian refugee response. It considers the response's internal workings and how hosting a large displaced population from the Mediterranean state of Syria is distributed across different public institutions with the involvement of international actors. The argument is that an agenda intent on securing the status quo influences the response, but that it is not always coherently implemented by the many hands of the Jordanian state. The main aims are to resist the permanence of Syrians so as not to undermine the demographic balance that favours Trans-Jordanians; to secure income for hosting Syrians; and to limit the possibilities for formal Syrian economic competition with Jordanians. At the same time, and related to these aims, there are initiatives to render Syrians legible, and these legibility initiatives serve different goals depending on which hand of the state is enacting them. The paper is based on qualitative fieldwork conducted from December 2016 to March 2017 in Jordan. It features interviews with Jordanian officials from national and municipal institutions, and with staff from international organizations.

ABSTRAKKehadiran Partai PKB sebagai anak emasnya NU telah menunjukan eksistensi yang cukup memadai meskipun Peran organisasi NU yang baru masuk di Kota ternate pada tahun 2008 di bawah pimpinan Drs. Hi.Ibrahim Muhamad dalam memfasilitasi pemenangan PKB sudah dianggap maksimal namun hal ini perlu di kaji lebih jauh mengapa PKB sebagi partai anak emasnya NU khususnya di Kota Ternate tidak mampu memenangi Pemilu tahun 2009. Hal inilah yang menjadi Tujuan Penelitian penulis untuk memperoleh gambaran peran Lembaga NU dalam mendukung perolehan suara PKB pada pemilihan legislatif di Kota Ternate. Untuk mendapatkan gambaran tersebut penulis melakukan penelitian yang mana Pendekatan yang dipergunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan kualitatif, dengan metode analisis deskriptif. Kemudian setelah dilakukan penelitian penulis menemukan titik terang peran lembaga NU yang terdapat dalam tiga unsur pokok yaitu pertama Menggunakan Tema Islam Sebagai Alat Perjuangan, kedua Menjalin Hubungan Kerjasama Antara NU dengan PKB, dan yang ketiga Lembaga NU Sebagai Kekuatan Utama PKB Meskipun secara politis, PKB mendapatkan suara secara legitimasi kelahirannya dibidani oleh struktural NU, tetapi tetap terjadi terbelahnya suara NU di kota ternate menjadi dua yaitu ke PKB dan ke partai lama yaitu PPP. Dari hasil penelitian inilah penulis dapat mengabil kesimpulan bahwa Sejak awal pembentukan PKB, sebetulnya telah menimbulkan bibit konflik terutama dengan makin terseretnya struktural NU dalam kelahiran Partai baru PKB, Hal ini menjadi masalah serius karena akan berdampak pada polarisasi suara pada tingkat grass root, terbelah mengelompok pada massa PKB dan PPP. Dan Jika struktural NU tidak berhati-hati dalam bersikap, yaitu menaungi semua warga Nadliyin yang bernaung pada partai lain selain PKB, dapat diramalkan akan terjadi eskalasi konflik yang mengakibatkan pecahnya konflik secara fisik pada basis massa antar kedua partai PKB dan PPP, yang semua berasal dari rumah internal Nadliyin. Meskipun demikian dapat dipahami keterlibatan NU tersebut berakibat pada perolehan suara yang secara signifikant mampu menempatkan PKB di atas perolehan suara PPP dalam pemilu 2009 secara Nasional, dan khususnya di Kota ternate mendapatkan sebuah kursi di lembaga legislatif.Key words : Peran Lembaga NU, PKB Pemilu Legislatif

This article discusses the relationship between state formation and refugees, linking statecraft – the 'art' of state building – and displacement in post-2003 Iraq. It uses the testimonies of displaced Iraqis now living in Syria to show how parties and militias in Iraq targeted
specific groups, including religious minorities such as the Mandaeans. They created new forms of exclusion, forcing some communities to flee. In some cases, they compelled people to leave abruptly; in others, hostile forces gradually encroached upon the target groups. Some organizations had
their origins in pre-2003 dynamics and were not the first in Iraq to use displacement as a means to implement a political design.