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This paper analyses the impact on regional and local authorities of Articles 117 and 119 of the Italian Constitution as amended by Constitutional Law no. 1/2012. In particular, it attempts to verify whether the new formulation of these constitutional provisions materializes the risk of a significant reduction in the financial autonomy of both Regions and Local Governments. With the constitutional reform the legislative competence of "harmonization of public account" has become an exclusive State competence, the "balanced budget" principle has been extended to Regions and local authorities and public borrowing has been broadly prohibited. What is the actual significance of the changes introduced by Constitutional Law no. 1/2012 for the financial autonomy of Italian sub-national authorities? Is it time to recognise that the goals of financial independence of Italian fiscal federalism, launched by the reform of Title V of the IC, must give way to a new organization of public finance, where a central role is played by the central government in order to comply with the financial constraints arising from new challenges of the European economic integration process?

The combination of rising Chinese power and longstanding territorial disputes has drawn increased attention and threats to the Asia-Pacific region. Five smaller powers contest Beijing's claims; Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam, Brunei and Indonesia, with the United States viewed as the most likely counterbalance to coercive behavior towards them. However, only one of these five states - the Philippines -has maintained a guarantee of protection through alliance with the US. What factors have influenced state decisions to form security relationships with Washington, and what does the evolution of these factors portend for future security relationships in the South China Sea? Using research on U.S. policy preferences based on recently declassified material, this book produces conclusions previously inaccessible beyond classified forums. The author surveys recent alliance theory developments to examine relationships between claimant states and the US, explores historical bilateral relations and considers the future of regional security relationships. This book contributes to the fields of security studies, foreign policy and international relations and expands beyond traditional concepts of defense alliances to explore security cooperation along a spectrum from allied to aligned to non-aligned.

Pour comprendre la guerre économique sans merci dans laquelle nous sommes plongés, parfois désarmés, cet ouvrage envisage de présenter la réflexion de l'école française de la guerre économique à partir de quelques concepts clés (guerre économique, guerre cognitive, intelligence économique, mouvements altermondialistes) qui permettent au lecteur de comprendre l'originalité et la profondeur méthodologique, dans le contexte des relations internationales, de l'analyse de l'École de Guerre Économique de Christian Harbulot. Il met en scène les différents types de guerres, les acteurs, la panoplie de leurs armes, le champ de bataille et ses objectifs. Si l'objectif n'est plus le contrôle d'un territoire, cette guerre peut prendre, par exemple, la forme de l'utilisation des ressources minières comme arme de domination économique. Les acteurs ne sont plus seulement les états, mais aussi les groupes industriels, les mouvements altermondialistes et, plus généralement, les ONG pacifistes et antimilitaristes. Cette analyse est illustrée par de nombreux cas pratiques de subversion tels que Brent spar, Elf Shell contre Ran, l'affaire Arcelor Mittal ou encore l'affaire des OGM qui mettra aux prises Greenpeace et Unilever ou Nestlé... Ce livre offre une grille de lecture indispensable pour comprendre les changements de paradigme de la nouvelle guerre qui se déroule sous nos yeux. -- éditeur

"Conventional wisdom holds that the President enjoys the preponderance of foreign policy power, however Congress has influenced China policymaking more than is generally recognized. The legislature has demonstrated consistent interests in the realm of China policy, and it has invariably pursued those interests through law-making. During the post-Cold War period in particular, the Sino-U.S. relationship has evolved in a radically changing international environment, marked by a power transition inherent in China's rise. The development of official relations between Washington and Beijing during the Cold War occurred in the shadow of an assertive Soviet power, when the United States and China were able to find common geopolitical ground in opposing Soviet expansion while overlooking longstanding political disagreements. The dissolution of the Soviet empire, however, put the United States and China on a new geostrategic footing. Political disagreements were no longer exempted in light of a counter-Soviet strategy, and the reduction in concern for the Soviet threat allowed policymakers in Washington to more aggressively pursue trade interests that conflicted with those of China. Given this international context, this book aims to discern how Congress reconciled competing Sino-U.S. interests in a post-Cold War era, when external threats no longer dictated an apparent hierarchy that favored China over the Soviet Union.This work will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign policy, China Studies and international relations in general"--

"Conventional wisdom holds that the President enjoys the preponderance of foreign policy power, however Congress has influenced China policymaking more than is generally recognized. The legislature has demonstrated consistent interests in the realm of China policy, and it has invariably pursued those interests through law-making. During the post-Cold War period in particular, the Sino-U.S. relationship has evolved in a radically changing international environment, marked by a power transition inherent in China's rise. The development of official relations between Washington and Beijing during the Cold War occurred in the shadow of an assertive Soviet power, when the United States and China were able to find common geopolitical ground in opposing Soviet expansion while overlooking longstanding political disagreements. The dissolution of the Soviet empire, however, put the United States and China on a new geostrategic footing. Political disagreements were no longer exempted in light of a counter-Soviet strategy, and the reduction in concern for the Soviet threat allowed policymakers in Washington to more aggressively pursue trade interests that conflicted with those of China. Given this international context, this book aims to discern how Congress reconciled competing Sino-U.S. interests in a post-Cold War era, when external threats no longer dictated an apparent hierarchy that favored China over the Soviet Union. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign policy, China Studies and international relations in general"--