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Describes integration of Turkish immigrants, their communal, organizational, and political activities, and socioeconomic characteristics; includes survey data for 33 members of the Cleveland-Akron, Ohio metropolitan area's Turkish immigrant community and historical retrospective on Turkish immigration to the US since the early 1900s.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Contributors -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Political Actors and Education Policy -- The Transformation of the Nation-States and Education -- Transformation of the Nation-State -- From Modernism to Postmodernism -- From Nationalism to Multiculturalism -- From Unity to Multi-Centrality -- The Nation-State and Its Aftermath -- Education is the Substance of Society -- Education Teaches One How to Live in a City -- Employment Through Education -- The Transition Stages to the Post-Nation-State Period -- Stage of Nationalization -- Stage of the Nation-State -- The Stage of the Open Society -- Stage of Connectivity -- Effects of the Post-Nation-State Period on Education -- Initiatives Taken to Transform Education in the Post-Nation-State Period -- Reform of the Whole System -- Curriculum -- Teacher Qualifications -- School Autonomy -- Educational Environments -- Educational Outputs -- Lifelong Learning -- Conclusion -- References -- When Models Become Monopolies: The Making of Education Policy at the World Bank -- Background: The Dilemma of Manpower Planning -- How the World Bank Makes Education Policy -- Act Two: The Acquisition of George Psacharopoulos -- Act Three: The Monopoly of Rate-of-Return Evidence -- Act Four: The Struggle Over Higher Education Policy -- The Final Act: The Bank Rights Itself -- Implications -- Has the Bank Learned a Lesson: A Brief Commentary on the Education Paper of 2011 -- Has the Bank Learned a Lesson? A Brief Comment on the World Development Report 20183 -- References -- Comparing Educational Reforms in Turkey and Brazil Through Prospects for the Twenty-First Century -- Educational Reform and Development Nexus -- Educational Systems in Turkey and Brazil -- Historical Background of Educational Reforms -- Educational Reform in Contemporary Turkey and Brazil -- Conclusion.

Uluslararası eğitimin toplumlar üzerinde köklü ve kalıcı etkilere neden olması, toplumlar arasında sempatik ilişkiler kurulmasına ve etkileşime yol açması onu kullanışlı bir dış politika aracı yapmaktadır. Türkiye de 1950'li, 1990'lı ve 2010'lu yıllardaki aktif dış politika uygulamalarında uluslararası kamuoyunu etkilemek, kendisine müzahir kılmak, uluslararasılaşmak, çevre coğrafyasında nüfuz alanını genişletmek
amacıyla uluslararası eğitimi kamu/kültür/eğitim diplomasisi şeklinde bir yumuşak güç unsuru olarak kullanmıştır. Türkiye'nin dış politikası ve uluslararası eğitim stratejisi paralellik göstermiş, 1950'lerde Batı bloğu politikalarına endeksli, 1990'larda kültürel diplomasi ağırlıklı, 2010'larda ise kültürel diplomasiyle birlikte terör ve radikalleşmeyle mücadele, küresel etkili bölgesel güç olma, istikrarsız coğrafyaları
normalleştirme, çok taraflı ve çok katmanlı dış politikasına destek sunma, Türk dünyasında işbirliğini derinleştirme politikalarında uluslararası eğitim Türk dış politikasının en önemli gündemlerinden birisi olmuştur.

ABSTRACTAs part of on-going multidimensional foreign policy changes in recent years, there has been since 1998 a revival in Turkey's relations with Africa. Initially rather passive, after 2005 this became a massive effort to develop relations with the whole continent. However, Turkey's Africa policy is unique in Turkish foreign policy, since for the first time it is driven and complemented by the activities of civil society organisations in and about Africa. Conceptualisation of Africa in Turkish society has changed dramatically in less than a decade, and the recent Turkey–Africa Cooperation Summit should be seen as part of this trend. Turkey's opening to Africa is not a short-term inclination, but is likely to develop and deepen in coming years.

The movement of people from less developed regions of the world to the more advanced countries has been widely studied with regard to its implications for economic growth, international security and socio-political consequences in receiving countries. Turkey, critically placed in one of the most volatile regions of the world, has a very diverse and dangerous neighborhood. Thus, the country plays an important role in the migration of people from neighboring countries to Western Europe as a buffer state. Although Turkey's role as a transit country has been well documented in the literature, what is less known is that the country also receives increasing number of immigrants, both from Middle East but also more recently from Western Europe. This study is an attempt to uncover new aspects of migration concerning Turkey. First it finds that, Turkey is gradually becoming one of the new destinations of migration, as the official statistics clearly demonstrate. Secondly, the study also analyzes a survey data conducted by the authors regarding demographic characteristics, socio-cultural orientations and integration process of the foreign residents in Turkey. The results of the survey research indicate that foreigners are not subjected to any serious and widespread discrimination either by the authorities or by the communities in Turkey. Among the participants, 36.9 per cent state that they have sensed no discrimination when applying for a job or at work places. The percentage of those feeling themselves secure in Turkey is 87.7, while those feeling unsafe is only 12.3 per cent. The major difficulties the foreigners confront are unemployment, economical problems and excessive bureaucratic process especially in obtaining a work permit.

This article examines the evolving nature of national identity and its significance to geo-politics and nation-building in post-colonial African states, specifically Cameroon and Senegal. Within the current global context, previous theories and scholars failed to explain how recent changes in national identity inform the choice of geo-politics in post-colonial Cameroon and Senegal. It is against this backdrop that this article examines the extent to which changes in elite and public perception on national identity transcended national borders and spilled over to the geo-political landscape. The paper relied on a mixed-method research design that combines elements of qualitative and quantitative techniques. The mixed-method approach is anchored on comparative case study techniques. The data were largely drawn from both primary and secondary sources; the primary sources included semi-structured interviews, and public statements, while the secondary sources comprised educational curriculums, Afrobarometer, World Bank data and the Swiss Economic Globalization Index. The outcome of the analysis showed that in recent years changes in national identity have transcended national borders and spilled over to the geo-political landscape. Findings revealed the extent to which the underlying features of national identity have been indigenized, Africanized and globalized to symbolize what it means to be a Cameroonian and Senegalese Citizen. Comparatively, it was established that Senegal has assumed a more dynamic image and position in geo-politics than Cameroon. Nonetheless, Cameroon's and Senegal's recent dynamic and versatile image accounts for the new type of national identity theorized in this paper as a form of strategic identity. The paper also highlighted the challenges and significance of strategic identity to issues of growth, nation and peace-building.