Developmentalism and Dependency in Southeast Asia: The Case of the Automotive Industry
In: RoutledgeCurzon studies in the growth economies of Asia
In: Routledge Studies in the Growth Economies of Asia Ser
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In: RoutledgeCurzon studies in the growth economies of Asia
In: Routledge Studies in the Growth Economies of Asia Ser
In: Asian politics & policy: APP, Volume 11, Issue 1, p. 162-168
ISSN: 1943-0787
In: Journal of current Southeast Asian affairs, Volume 30, Issue 4, p. 3-31
ISSN: 1868-4882
The capabilities, tools and websites we associate with new information communication technologies and social media are now ubiquitous. Moreover tools that were designed to facilitate innocuous conversation and social interaction have had unforeseen political impacts. Nowhere was this more visible than during the 2011 uprisings across the Arab World. From Tunis to Cairo, and Tripoli to Damascus protest movements against authoritarian rule openly utilized social networking and file sharing tools to publicize and organize demonstrations and to catalogue human rights abuses. The Arab Spring, or Jasmine Revolution, was an event that was both witnessed and played out in real time online. This article explores the impacts and effects of these technologies on regimes in East Asia, in particular exploring the extent to which they proffer new capabilities upon activists and reformers in the region's semi-democratic and authoritarian regimes. Drawing on data on Internet and smartphone use, as well as case studies that explore the role of these technologies on the 2008 and 2011 general elections in Malaysia and Singapore respectively, this article suggests that the Internet and social networking platforms do present unique opportunities for activists, citizens and social movements.
In: Asian affairs: an American review, Volume 38, Issue 1, p. 1-38
ISSN: 0092-7678
Studies of electoral authoritarianism in Southeast Asia highlight the significance of a compliant media in acting as an obstacle to democratization. Analyses of Malaysian politics are no different. Although the media in Malaysia is largely private, most observers point to the various legislative mechanisms and ownership structures through which compliance is ensured. Although most political scientists have concluded that such mechanisms ensure there is a progovernment bias, there have been few attempts to measure this bias and analyze its impact. With this study, the author aims to begin to fill that gap by studying the degree to which newspapers in Malaysia display partisanship in their coverage of Malaysian politics. To do so, two Malay-language newspapers were selected for coding, using two separate two-week periods as samples. The first period coincided with the March 2008 Malaysian general election, and the second, serving as a control, was from October 2006. Having demonstrated a clear degree of progovernment bias in both newspapers, the author then explores the factors postulated to explain this. (Asian Aff/GIGA)
World Affairs Online
In: Asian affairs: an American review, Volume 38, Issue 1, p. 1-38
ISSN: 1940-1590
In: South-East Asia research, Volume 17, Issue 2, p. 175-199
ISSN: 2043-6874
In: Third world quarterly, Volume 22, Issue 1, p. 99-114
ISSN: 1360-2241
In: Third world quarterly, Volume 22, Issue 1, p. 99-114
ISSN: 0143-6597
World Affairs Online
In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, Volume 89, Issue 354, p. 245-258
ISSN: 1474-029X
In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, p. 245-258
ISSN: 0035-8533
Examines effect of Sept. 1998 sacking and detention of Deputy Prime Minister Ibrahim by Prime Minister Mahathir and creation of the opposition multi-ethnic Barisan Alternative party on Nov. 1999 elections.
In: The round table: the Commonwealth journal of international affairs, Issue 354, p. 245
ISSN: 0035-8533
In: The world today, Volume 55, Issue 7, p. 22-23
ISSN: 0043-9134
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Volume 14, Issue 1, p. 109-134
ISSN: 2234-6643
In this article we explore the state of the discipline of comparative Asian politics. In particular we analyze five aspects of research on Asia: whether the empirical scope of research is largely noncomparative; the extent to which that research is empirical rather than theory-generative; whether it pertains to public or foreign policy; if it relies on qualitative rather than quantitative methods; and the gender and geographic concentration of those conducting the research. After coding and analyzing data from 461 articles from eight different journals, we demonstrate that research on comparative Asian politics is more likely to be empirical, qualitative, focused on the country as unit of analysis, and disproportionately written by male academics educated and/or working in North America, Western Europe, or Australia.
In: Journal of east Asian studies, Volume 14, Issue 1, p. 109-134
ISSN: 1598-2408
World Affairs Online