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Labour welfare is an umbrella term which includes overall well-being of the worker. Labour welfare facilities are classified by the International Labour Organization (ILO) into two types: intramural labour welfare facilities and extramural labour welfare facilities. In India, several labour legislations have been enacted to provide proper labour welfare facilities to the workers. Factories Act, 1948 is one of most important welfare-related labour legislations in which a number of labour welfare facilities are specified like washing facility, canteen facility, crèches room facility, labour welfare officer, sitting facility, and so on. In this particular study, the researcher chose descriptive research design; sample size of the study is 120 respondents, 60 respondents from each organization were selected by using simple random sampling technique. For data collection, both primary and secondary sources of data were used; as primary data collection, questionnaire method was used. Collected data were analysed in the form of tables and diagrams. Findings of the study are very interesting: some welfare facilities are good in public industry and some are good in private industry.

This paper is an effort to critically evaluate Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, based on both military and non-military means. The paper argues that the counterterrorism strategy of Pakistan has proved ineffective and counter-productive to combat the homegrown threat of terrorism, unleashed by militant sectarian groups, following the Takfiri ideology. Although Pakistan's Military claims that the latest on-going security operations, Zarb-e-Azb in North Waziristan and Khyber-II in Khyber Agency, have succeeded in clearing most of the area, however, the matter of fact is that the security operations have not considerably damaged the ability of terrorists, particularly the Tehrik Taliban Pakistan (TTP), to plan and execute terrorist attacks. The terrorists' network, their strength and structure have until now remained intact. The key to longterm prevention of terrorism, beyond security operations for clearing any area of the militants, is to discontinue the supply chain of terrorists. This requires the creation of a new counter-extremism religious narrative, which will help re-formulate a concrete and effective counter-terrorism strategy of Pakistan to ensure domestic peace and security.

The paper critically examines Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, which it adopted after the 9/11 incident, by arguing that it has proved ineffective and counter-productive to uproot the terrorist network of Pakistan-based militant Jihadi and extremist groups, which also have links with Al-Qaeda. In this respect, the paper, besides defining and assessing Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, also analyzes various factors which have contributed to the inefficacy of the country's counterterrorism strategy. Moreover, the paper also analyzes implications of the ineffectiveness of Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy for domestic, regional and international security. In the concluding analysis, the paper emphasizes upon the need of formulating an effective counterterrorism strategy of Pakistan. ; Cette étude porte un regard critique sur la stratégie contre-terroriste du Pakistan adoptée après les attentats du 11 septembre, dans la mesure où elle a été inefficace, voire contre-productive. Elle n'a pu déloger les réseaux terroristes des groups jihadistes et extrémistes basés au Pakistan, qui ont aussi des liens avec al Qaeda. L'évaluation de la stratégie contre-terroriste pakistanaise porte donc aussi attention aux divers facteurs qui ont contribué à son inefficacité. Les conséquences de cet échec sur la sécurité nationale, régionale et internationale sont également analysés. En conclusion, l'étude souligne la nécessité de formuler enfin une stratégie efficace pour vaincre le terrorisme.

The paper critically examines Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, which it adopted after the 9/11 incident, by arguing that it has proved ineffective and counter-productive to uproot the terrorist network of Pakistan-based militant Jihadi and extremist groups, which also have links with Al-Qaeda. In this respect, the paper, besides defining and assessing Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, also analyzes various factors which have contributed to the inefficacy of the country's counterterrorism strategy. Moreover, the paper also analyzes implications of the ineffectiveness of Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy for domestic, regional and international security. In the concluding analysis, the paper emphasizes upon the need of formulating an effective counterterrorism strategy of Pakistan. ; Cette étude porte un regard critique sur la stratégie contre-terroriste du Pakistan adoptée après les attentats du 11 septembre, dans la mesure où elle a été inefficace, voire contre-productive. Elle n'a pu déloger les réseaux terroristes des groups jihadistes et extrémistes basés au Pakistan, qui ont aussi des liens avec al Qaeda. L'évaluation de la stratégie contre-terroriste pakistanaise porte donc aussi attention aux divers facteurs qui ont contribué à son inefficacité. Les conséquences de cet échec sur la sécurité nationale, régionale et internationale sont également analysés. En conclusion, l'étude souligne la nécessité de formuler enfin une stratégie efficace pour vaincre le terrorisme.

The paper critically examines Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, which it adopted after the 9/11 incident, by arguing that it has proved ineffective and counter-productive to uproot the terrorist network of Pakistan-based militant Jihadi and extremist groups, which also have links with Al-Qaeda. In this respect, the paper, besides defining and assessing Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy, also analyzes various factors which have contributed to the inefficacy of the country's counterterrorism strategy. Moreover, the paper also analyzes implications of the ineffectiveness of Pakistan's counterterrorism strategy for domestic, regional and international security. In the concluding analysis, the paper emphasizes upon the need of formulating an effective counterterrorism strategy of Pakistan. ; Cette étude porte un regard critique sur la stratégie contre-terroriste du Pakistan adoptée après les attentats du 11 septembre, dans la mesure où elle a été inefficace, voire contre-productive. Elle n'a pu déloger les réseaux terroristes des groups jihadistes et extrémistes basés au Pakistan, qui ont aussi des liens avec al Qaeda. L'évaluation de la stratégie contre-terroriste pakistanaise porte donc aussi attention aux divers facteurs qui ont contribué à son inefficacité. Les conséquences de cet échec sur la sécurité nationale, régionale et internationale sont également analysés. En conclusion, l'étude souligne la nécessité de formuler enfin une stratégie efficace pour vaincre le terrorisme.

The paper analyzes the prospects of economic cooperation between Pakistan and Afghanistan, which have so far failed to establish normal trade relations with each other. The main argument of the paper is that Islamabad?s insecurities vis-à-vis New Delhi have overshadowed the prospects of economic cooperation and good neighborly relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Pakistan?s "long-term obsession with the quest for strategic depth? against India" compelled the former to increase its influence in Afghanistan by installing a friendly government there with the twin objectives of securing its western borders in order to liquefy nationalist-separatist sentiments in the Pakhtun belt, as well as to counter the growing role and influence of India in Afghanistan. This quest of Pakistan has had negative impact not only on the inter-state relations between the two proximate western neighboring countries, but also on their economic cooperation. Although there are several opportunities available in the form of strengthening South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) by applying regional approach; promoting regional energy projects; and enhancing bilateral trade and transit facilities in the region; the future of Pakistan-Afghanistan economic cooperation depends upon India-Pakistan normalization of relations.

For the last sixty years or so, India-Pakistan relations have marked by both hope and despair. Although several efforts of conflict resolution have been made between the two neighboring countries, the south Asian region is still far away from witnessing long-lasting peace. The long-standing dispute on Kashmir has actually impeded the process of conflict resolution between the two countries. This paper examines the need of conflict resolution between India and Pakistan, particularly on the issue of Kashmir, by looking at the genesis of the dispute, various efforts to resolve the dispute, the nature of the Kashmir dispute and devising a new approach for its resolution. It is argued that over a period of time the nature of the Kashmir dispute has been changed. It is neither a territorial nor a religious dispute between India and Pakistan, but a dispute of the denial of the right of self-determination to the people of Kashmir. After the 9/11 incident, the dynamics of domestic, regional and international politics have changed. Therefore, it is high time that both India and Pakistan adopt a forward looking approach to bridge the trust-deficit and reach a consensus on the resolution of the Kashmir dispute.

For the last three decades or so, Pakistan has been a severe victim of sectarian violence. Although the roots of sectarian violence in the Pakistani society could be traced to various political developments in the country and the region, such as, Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization process, Iranian Revolution and the anti-Soviet Afghan war, during the late 1970s, the dangerous phase of sectarian menace began after the 9/11 incident when the domestic sectarian militant organizations established their links with international terrorist groups, e.g., Al-Qaeda and then the self-styled Islamic State (IS), and started playing the role of a facilitator as well as becoming the part of global Jihadism. Against this background, the paper analyzes the origins of sectarianism in Pakistan and threats which it poses to the integrity of the country. In the concluding analysis, the paper argues that the violent extremist ideology that creates ideologically-motivated committed terrorists may be countered if Pakistan reorients its strategic policies vis-à-vis its eastern and western neighbors – India and Afghanistan – by discouraging the use of proxies for pursuing its strategic interests in the region.

Credit is an important instrument of acquiring command over
the use of working capital, fixed capital and consumption goods. In the
wake of Green Revolution, land and labour have receded into the
background as predominant factors of growth. Use of capital and adoption
of modern techniques of production which have become major sources of
growth of agricultural output necessitate access to credit markets for
financing their use. Institutional sources of credit have become quite
significant during the last few years. The rapid expansion of credit
from institutional sources can be seen from various indicators. The
total disbursement of agricultural loans has gone up from Rs. 306.75
million in 1972-73 to Rs. 5,102.14 million in 1981-82. On a per acre
basis, the loans increased from Rs. 7.33 in 1972-73 to Rs. 106.83 in
1981-82. In this perspective, the disparities in income and wealth in
rural areas would crucially depend on the distribution of capital among
farms of different sizes and occupational groups. Neglecting equitable
distribution of credit as a policy instrument for rural income
redistribution may be a serious omission by the policy makers interested
in an improvement of rural equity.

Despite abundant agricultural production, the prices of fruits, vegetables, and other agricultural items remain high, keeping these products out of the a common man's reach. Although small and poor farmers work hard throughout the year, yet they remain indebted and poor. There might be various reasons for their plight such as the extraordinarily high prices of agri-food items; however, the role of the middleman (Arhti) seems to be the most damaging in this regard. This paper analyses the role palyed by the middleman in Pakistan in the light of Islamic teachings and primary (through survey questionnaire) and secondary data. The study found that generally, the middleman is a cruel character and causes distortions in the economy, particularly in the agro-food market. He deprives poor farmers of meaningful profit, keeps them under the pressure of debt, and causes price hikes of essential items which leads to artificial inflationary pressures in the economy. Ultimately, this phenomenon exerts pressure on the government as well. The current study also found that the presence of middleman in the supply chain of agro-food items deprives poor farmers of their right of earning genuine profit.Moreover, it also increases the price of essential food items. Hence, in the light of Shariah guidelines, unnecessary brokering needs to be restricted so that farmers are able to sell their produce themselves. Furthermore, the middleman's role needs to be curtailed for the welfare of the farmers, improvement of the agriculture sector, and the betterment of the economy. The study recommends the framing of comprehensive long-term policies for the purchase of crops, monitoring of fruit / vegetable markets, provision of interest-free loans to farmers, setting up of an efficient market mechanism, establishment of effective consumer courts, and the improvement of the transportation system.

Consensus is emerging between development thinkers and
practitioners that social progress is a necessary pre-condition for
sustained economic growth. Social development leads to higher levels of
literacy, better health standards and overall improvement in the
society's living conditions. In fact, empirical evidence suggests that
there is a two-way relationship between economic growth and social
development [Ghaus-Pasha et al. (1998)]. Economic growth leads to higher
revenues for government and higher per capita income, encouraging both
public and private spendings on human development. Improvements in
social indicators feedback as higher economic growth through enhanced
productivity for labour and capital. In other words, well-developed
human capital makes a significant contribution to economic growth which,
in turn, offers improved welfare and better living
conditions.

Governments settle their financial obligations and pay for the public expenditures largely through finances generated from taxes. For many developing countries like Pakistan, the state authorities are still having difficulty to achieve tax compliance. Existing literature has yet to traverse individual's tax compliance behavior on developing countries. The current study, however, explores the relationships among voluntary tax compliance behavior of individual taxpayers with selected economic, social, behavioral and institutional factors. This individual tax compliance behavior is studied through the multi-perspective lenses of the theory of attribution, equity theory, expected utility theory, and social exchange theory. Quantitative design using the survey method was employed to collect data from 435 individual taxpayers through questionnaire. For testing linkage between constructs, through mediation and moderation tests, structural equation modeling technique was used. The results suggest that tax compliance simplicity has a larger impact on tax filing than perception about Government Spending and tax morale. Furthermore, perception of fairness significantly mediates the strengths between morale, simplicity, government spending and compliance behavior.