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The Catalan secessionist parties, if added together, have won all the elections to the Parliament of Catalonia from 2010 to 2021. Their voters have been increasingly mobilized since the start of the controversial reform process of the Statute of Autonomy (2004–2010). The aim of this article is twofold. First, it intends to test whether language is the strongest predictor in preferring independence in two separate and distinct moments, 1996 and 2020. And second, to assess whether its strength has changed—and how—between both years. Only the most exogenous variables to the dependent variable are used in each of two logistic regressions to avoid problems of endogeneity: sex, age, size of town of residence, place of birth of the individual and of their parents, first language (L1), and educational level. Among them, L1 was—and still is—the most powerful predictor, although it is not entirely determinative. The secessionist movement not only gathers a plurality of Catalan native speakers, but it receives a not insignificant level of support among those who have Spanish as their L1. Conversely, the unionist group, despite being composed primarily by people who have Spanish as their L1 and have their family origins outside Catalonia, has a native Catalan-speaking minority inside. This imperfect division, which is based on ethnolinguistic alignments—and whose relevance cannot be neglected—alleviates the likelihood of an ethnic-based conflict.

"Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) is the oldest party in Catalonia. It was founded in 1931, on the eve of the local elections that led to the proclamation of the Spanish Second Republic. Since then, not only has ERC maintained a constant presence in Catalan political life, but it has also been a central political actor at different times (Sallés 1986; Ivern 1988; Alquézar 2001; Lucas 2004; Argelaguet 2004). In particular during the post-Franco democratic period, ERC has periodically maintained a pivotal position between the moderate nationalist Convergència i Unió (CiU) and the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC). This resulted in the party becoming a coalition partner in the Catalan government in 2003, a position that it regained in 2006. And yet, the chapter argues that the party's ability to deliver on its key goal of independence for Catalonia has been limited. Limited presence at the state-level has denied the party the bargaining leverage enjoyed by CiU, whilst the party's coalition potential and participation at the regional level has cost it dearly in terms of its electoral standing and political status. The party's organisational evolution, with the progressive strengthening of the decision-making authority of more radical party members as a consequence of passing different thresholds, has played no small part in constraining the ERC's ability to take advantage of different political opportunities to deliver Catalan self-government. Having outlined and explained the ERC's lifespan, the chapter turns to examine the organisational changes triggered by the need to adapt to new political contexts, and how these in turn have constrained the party's policy success." (author's abstract)

L'Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya is both the oldest and least well known Catalan nationalist party. Although it was the dominant party throughout the Second Spanish Republic, since the transition to democracy it has experienced a chaotic period blocked in on its left by the Catalan socialist party and on the right by Convergencia i unio. Nevertheless, after serious ideological and strategic revision, since 1999 this left leaning nationalist party has consistently increased its support to such a degree that it played the role of kingmaker after the 2003 "regional" elections. Inspired both by a straightforward and classical form of Catalanism and the socio-democrat tradition, today the ERC is an unavoidable force within the Catalan political space. Adapted from the source document.

Résumé Cette étude présente, à partir d'un échantillon représentatif des partis politiques espagnols, les résultats d'une enquête conduite auprès de leurs délégués lors de congrès. On y analyse les profils sociaux de ces derniers de même que leurs profils idéologiques, ainsi que les caractéristiques propres au militantisme.

This research note presents the results of a survey to party congress delegates of some Spanish political parties. It analyzes the sociodemographic profiles of the delegates, their ideological profiles as well as other characteristics of their activism. Adapted from the source document.

Crónica parlamentaria sobre la III legislatura del Parlamento de Cataluña (1988 - 1992)

Résumé L'Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC) est à la fois le parti nationaliste catalan le plus ancien mais aussi le plus mal connu. Parti dominant tout au long de la Seconde République espagnole, il connaît un parcours plus chaotique depuis la transition démocratique coincé sur sa gauche par le parti socialiste catalan et sur sa droite par Convergencia i Unio. Cependant au prix d'une refonte idéologique et stratégique, ce parti nationaliste de gauche ne cesse depuis la fin des années 1990 de développer son implantation au point d'apparaître comme le faiseur de roi depuis les élections autonomiques de 2003. Puisant tout à la fois dans un catalanisme "pur et dur" et dans une tradition sociale-démocrate, ERC est aujourd'hui une force incontournable de l'espace politique catalan.