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This research project explores critically the broader social context of the rise of global private policing in Africa, using Nigeria and South Africa to provide an in-depth illustrative and comparative context. Drawing on insights from global security and police research, Foucauldian governmentality studies, and postcolonial perspective in particular, the overarching question addressed in this research is that of whether the apparent rise in global private policing in Africa is occasioned by real need, or it constitutes an imperialist project? In other words, how do we make sense of this development? This research finds that private policing is largely a function of a paradigm shift from a collective human security to an individualistic sense of security through greater emphasis on competition, and private property or gain, in contrast to the collective welfare that predominantly characterized most pre-colonial African societies. Accordingly, global private policing is seen largely as a product of long-term historical undercurrents of colonialism and contemporary forms of Western imperialism, and the leadership crisis rooted in high-profile corruption and economic mismanagement in most parts of Africa; however, their impact on the extent of global private policing differs significantly due to the country-specific internal social, political, and economic, dynamics. This research therefore makes a contribution to the theoretical debates surrounding the growth of global private policing, particularly in the African context; and considers the broader implications for security policies grounded in private versus collective human security. ; October 2015

There is limited in-depth research focusing on how the state exerts power and its influence through immigration laws, policies and practices in structuring the relations of labour and capital in a manner that reflects capitalist interests. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to explore the role of the state in fostering capitalist accumulation, using the Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program (SAWP) as a case study, and to consider the implications for policy. This paper addresses these questions: What shapes and reproduces labour-capital relations with reference to SAWP? What are the repercussions of these relations, particularly on the international migrant workers? What should be the role of the state and law in transforming these relations? The paper draws on a constellation of insights from neoliberal globalization, segmentation of labour theory, and a conceptual overview of the role of the state in regulating labour-capital relations to illuminate the discussions. This paper helps broaden our current understanding of how the state faciliates capitalist accumulation in the agricultural sector in Canada through immigration policies and practices with reference to the SAWP. The paper therefore makes a contribution to the theoretical debates on the role of the state in the facilitation of capitalist accumulation in agriculture.

AbstractObjectiveThis article addresses the following questions: (1) What is the extent of Ghanaians' support for democracy? (2) What are the influences of education, the pursuit of political news, and the discussion of politics on citizens' support of democracy?MethodsThis study combines the sixth and seventh rounds the Afrobarometer surveys on Ghana. The total sample for this study is 4,800 adult Ghanaians. Binary logistic regression analysis was employed for the multivariate analysis.ResultsAbout 81 percent of the respondents prefer democracy to any other form of government, including a military rule. Also, the study also found that education attainment, the pursuit of political news information, and the discussion of politics is significantly linked to citizens' support of democracy.ConclusionThe study shows that increasing access to education and political information are vital mechanisms for strengthening democratic consolidation.

Despite the important role that women generally play in development processes, they are disproportionally underrepresented in politics and leadership positions compared to men, as exemplified in the case of Nigeria. Using the Afrobarometer data of 2015, this study seeks to examine the socio-economic factors that predict women's political participation in Nigeria. The study shows that education, religion, place of residence, party affiliation, and geo-political zone predict political participation. Based on the beta values generated from the multivariate linear regression analysis, post-secondary education, South-Eastern geo-political zone, and party affiliation are the most significant predictors of women's political participation. The study particularly points to the impact of education, and the encouragement of women to become affiliated with political parties to make more influence in the Nigerian polity.

Encouraging the public to report corrupt acts to state authorities is indispensable in combatting corruption. This article uses the Afrobarometer surveys (Rounds 7 and 8) focusing on Ghana to address a key question: Will high corruption tolerance and less trust in government reduce the tendency to report corrupt acts to relevant state authorities without fear? The current work draws on social accountability theory and political settlements framework. Our results indicate that tolerance of corruption does not predict the perceived propensity to report corruption, whereas trust in government is, with high trust increasing the likelihood of reporting corruption. The current work extends the substantiative understanding of the conditions under which respondents believe that ordinary people may or may not report corruption and the implications for strengthening anti-corruption work.